Subjective Reactions to First Coitus in Relation to Participant Sex, Partner Age, and Context in a German Nationally Representative Sample of Adolescents and Young Adults.

Analysis of a Finnish nationally representative student sample found that subjective reactions to first intercourse (mostly heterosexual; usually in adolescence) were highly positive for boys and mostly positive for girls, whether involved with peers or adults (Rind, 2022). The present study examined the generality of these findings by examining subjective reactions to first coitus (heterosexual intercourse) in a German nationally representative sample of young people (data collected in 2014). Most first coitus was postpubertal. Males reacted mostly positively and uncommonly negatively in similar fashion in all age pairings: boy-girl (71% positive, 13% negative); boy-woman (73% positive; 17% negative); man-woman (73% positive, 15% negative). Females' reactions were more mixed, similar in the girl-boy (48% positive; 37% negative) and woman-man (46% positive, 36% negative) groups, but less favorable in the girl-man group (32% positive, 47% negative). In logistic regressions, adjusting for other factors, rates of positive reactions were unrelated to age groups. These rates did increase, in order of importance, when participants were male, their partners were close, they expected the coitus to happen, and they affirmatively wanted it. Reaction rates were computed from the Finnish sample, restricting cases to first coitus occurring in the 2000s, and then compared to minors' reactions in the German sample. The Finns reacted more favorably, similarly in both minor-peer and minor-adult coitus, with twice the odds of reacting positively. It was argued that this discrepancy was due to cultural differences (e.g., Finnish culture is more sex-positive). To account for the reaction patterns shown in the adolescent-adult coitus, sizably at odds with expectations from mainstream professional thinking, an evolutionary framework was employed.

Reactions to Minor-Older and Minor-Peer Sex as a Function of Personal and Situational Variables in a Finnish Nationally Representative Student Sample.

Felson et al. (2019) used a large-scale nationally representative Finnish sample of sixth and ninth graders to estimate the population prevalence of negative subjective reactions to sexual experiences between minors under age 18 and persons at least 5 years older and between minors and peer-aged partners for comparison. They then accounted for these reactions in multivariate analysis based on contextual factors. The present study argued that focusing exclusively on negative reactions short-changed a fuller scientific understanding. It analyzed the full range of reactions in the same sample, focusing on positive reactions. For reactions in retrospect, boys frequently reacted positively to minor-older sex (68%, n = 280 cases), on par with positive reactions to boy-peer sex (67%, n = 1510). Girls reacted positively to minor-older sex less often (36%, n = 1047) and to girl-peer sex half the time (48%, n = 1931). In both minor-older and minor-peer sex, rates of positive reactions were higher for boys vs. girls, adolescents vs. children, when partners were friends vs. strangers or relatives, with intercourse vs. lesser forms of sexual intimacy, with more frequent sex, and when not coerced. Boys reacted positively more often with female than male partners. In minor-older sex, partner age difference mattered for girls but not boys, and the minor's initiating the sex (14% for girls, 46% for boys) produced equally high rates of positive reactions. Most of these factors remained significant in multivariate analysis. The frequency of positive reactions, their responsiveness to context, the similarity in reaction patterns with minor-peer sex, and the generalizability of the sample were argued to contradict the trauma view often applied to minor-older sex, holding it to be intrinsically aversive irrespective of context.

First Sexual Intercourse in the Irish Study of Sexual Health and Relationships: Current Functioning in Relation to Age at Time of Experience and Partner Age.

The Irish Study of Sexual Health and Relationships, based on a nationally representative sample of Republic of Ireland adults in 2004-2005, was used to examine adult adjustment in individuals who had their first sexual intercourse as a minor with an adult. Participants were classified into one of four groups based on their age at first intercourse and their partner's age: minors under 18 with peers; minors under 16 with adults; minors 16 to 17 with adults; and adults with adults. Adjustment (health, general relationships, satisfaction with most recent sexual partner, self-confidence, education and career achievement, and sexual problems) was compared across groups separately by gender. The vast majority of cases involved postpubertal heterosexual coitus. Overall, minors involved with adults were not significantly less well adjusted than adults involved with other adults on a majority of measures, effect size differences in adjustment were mostly small, and mean adjustment responses consistently indicated good rather than poor adjustment. Sex differences in first-intercourse characteristics and reasons for engaging reliably occurred for all age groups. In general, males compared to females were more willing, wanted more to lose their virginity, felt more ready for it, did it more often on the spur of the moment, and were less often involved in a relationship or in love when it occurred. Sex differences were greatest for boys versus girls under 16 with adults. Mediation and moderator analyses were also performed. Results were discussed in relation to competing perspectives on the effects of minor-adult sex.

First Postpubertal Same-Sex Sex in Kinsey's General and Prison Male Same-Sex Samples: Comparative Analysis and Testing Common Assumptions in Minor-Adult Contacts.

Kinsey's prison male same-sex sample (consisting of prisoners who were gay, bisexual, or had had extensive postpubertal same-sex sex regardless of sexual attractions) was compared with Kinsey's general (i.e., non-prison) same-sex sample (previously analyzed by Rind and Welter, 2016) in terms of reactions to and characteristics of first postpubertal same-sex sex, with a focus on minor-adult contacts. Prison participants had a minor-adult contact as their first postpubertal same-sex sex twice as often as general participants, and their experience involved penetration in three-quarters of cases compared to only half the time for general participants, and it was paid for (i.e., prostitution) three times as often. Despite these differences, reactions to these events by prison and general participants were the same, with combined results of 66% positive reactions (i.e., enjoyed it "much") versus 15% emotionally negative reactions (e.g., shock, disgust, guilt). Results added to those from a series of studies done since 2000 using male same-sex samples in showing that minor-adult same-sex sexual experiences in this population do not conform to the child sexual abuse (CSA) model of trauma and harm. Comparing prison and general participants also showed that the CSA-trauma-crime link often claimed (i.e., where minor-adult sex is said to produce trauma that leads to later criminal behavior) did not hold in the Kinsey same-sex samples, because trauma (the middle element) was mostly missing. This null result for the link alerts that trauma needs to be shown rather than assumed when considering this link. The positive reaction profile obtained was discussed in terms of cultural factors dominant in Kinsey's time.

First Postpubertal Male Same-Sex Sexual Experience in the National Health and Social Life Survey: Current Functioning in Relation to Age at Time of Experience and Partner Age.

This study used an important data set to examine long-term adjustment and functioning in men, who as adolescents had sexual experiences with men. The data came from the National Health and Social Life Survey, which used a national probability sample (Laumann, Gagnon, Michael, & Michaels, 1994). Three perspectives were considered, which offered different predictions. From the "child sexual abuse" (CSA) paradigm, which dominates clinical, legal, and lay views, expected was robust evidence for poorer adjustment, given that intense harm is assumed to be intrinsic. From the "mainstream psychological" perspective, derived from the CSA paradigm but more scientifically based, poorer adjustment was also expected, but with less magnitude, given that minor-adult sex is seen as posing a serious risk of harm, which may not universally apply. From the "relevant-empirical" perspective, which infers response to male adolescent-adult same-sex sex from relevant prior empirical research (as opposed to clinical cases or the female experience), expected was little or no evidence for poorer adjustment. Results supported the relevant-empirical perspective. Compared to several control groups (i.e., men whose first postpubertal same-sex sex was as men with other men; men with no postpubertal same-sex sexual experience or child-adult sex), men whose first postpubertal same-sex sex was as adolescents with men were just as well adjusted in terms of health, happiness, sexual functioning, and educational and career achievement. Results are discussed in relation to cultural influences, other cultures, and comparative data from primates.

Reactions to First Postpubertal Female Same-Sex Sexual Experience in the Kinsey Sample: A Comparison of Minors with Peers, Minors with Adults, and Adults with Adults.

This study examined reactions to first postpubertal same-sex sexual experience in the Kinsey female same-sex sample (consisting of females with extensive postpubertal same-sex experience) as a function of participant and partner ages. As such, it complemented the Rind and Welter (2016) study, which examined the same in the Kinsey male same-sex sample. Data were collected by Kinsey interviewers between 1939 and 1961 (M year = 1947). Girls under 18 (M age = 14.9), whose sexual experience was with a woman (M age = 26.3), reacted positively just as often as girls under 18 (M age = 14.1) with peers (M age = 15.0) and women (M age = 22.7) with women (M age = 26.3). The positive-reaction rates were, respectively, 85, 82, and 79 %. In a finer-graded analysis, younger adolescent girls (≤14) (M age = 12.8) with women (M age = 27.4) had a high positive-reaction rate (91 %), a rate reached by no other group. For women (M age = 22.2) with same-aged peers (M age = 22.3), this rate was 86 %. Girls with peers or women had no emotionally negative reactions (e.g., fear, disgust, shame, regret); women with women rarely did. Results contradicted prevailing clinical, legal, and lay beliefs that minor-adult sex is inherently traumatic and would be distinguished as such compared to age-concordant sex. The findings are discussed in terms of the time period in which the sexual experiences occurred.

Reactions to First Postpubertal Male Same-Sex Sexual Experience in the Kinsey Sample: A Comparison of Minors With Peers, Minors With Adults, and Adults With Adults.

Rind and Welter (2014) examined first postpubertal coitus using the Kinsey sample, finding that reactions were just as positive, and no more negative, among minors with adults compared to minors with peers and adults with adults. In the present study, we examined first postpubertal male same-sex sexual experiences in the Kinsey same-sex sample (i.e., participants mostly with extensive postpubertal same-sex behavior), comparing reactions across the same age categories. These data were collected between 1938 and 1961 (M year: 1946). Minors under age 18 years with adults (M ages: 14.0 and 30.5, respectively) reacted positively (i.e., enjoyed the experience "much") often (70 %) and emotionally negatively (e.g., fear, disgust, shame, regret) infrequently (16 %). These rates were the same as adults with adults (M ages: 21.2 and 25.9, respectively): 68 and 16 %, respectively. Minors with peers (M ages: 13.3 and 13.8, respectively) reacted positively significantly more often (82 %) and negatively nominally less often (9 %). Minors with adults reacted positively to intercourse (oral, anal) just as often (69 %) as to outercourse (body contact, masturbation, femoral) (72 %) and reacted emotionally negatively significantly less often (9 vs. 25 %, respectively). For younger minors (≤14) with adults aged 5-19 years older, reactions were just as positive (83 %) as for minors with peers within 1 year of age (84 %) and no more emotionally negative (11 vs. 7 %, respectively). Results are discussed in relation to findings regarding first coitus in the Kinsey sample and to the cultural context particular to Kinsey's time.

Enjoyment and emotionally negative reactions in minor­adult versus minor­peer and adult­adult first postpubescent coitus: A secondary analysis of the Kinsey data.

Using the original Kinsey sample, enjoyment and emotionally negative reactions to first postpubescent coitus were examined in relation to whether the coitus occurred as a legal minor (aged under 18) with an adult (5 or more years older), a minor with a peer (within 4 years of age), or an adult with an adult (both 18 or older). These responses were further examined in subdivisions of the minor­adult and adult­adult categories. Given widely held professional and lay assumptions that minor­adult sex is intrinsically traumatic or aversive, tested was whether reactions to minor­adult coitus were characteristically negative, irrespective of gender, and distinctly more negative than minor­peer and adult­adult coitus. In general: minors with adults enjoyed the event as much as minors with peers or adults with adults; boys (i.e., male minors) enjoyed it substantially more than girls, irrespective of partner age; and minors with adults did not have more emotionally negative reactions than the other groups. Younger boys (14 and under) with women (mean ages: 13.37 and 24.27, respectively; mean age difference: 10.90 years), compared to men with peer-aged women (mean ages: 21.76 and 21.58, respectively; mean age difference: 0.18 years), enjoyed the coitus a great deal (the top scale value) significantly more often (63 % vs. 44 %) and had emotionally negative reactions no more often (15 % vs. 12 %). Younger girls (14 and under) with men (mean ages: 13.19 and 26.42, respectively; mean age difference: 13.23 years), compared to women with peer-aged men (mean ages: 22.38 and 23.78, respectively; mean age difference: 1.41 years), enjoyed the coitus a great deal at the same rate (17 % vs. 18 %) and had emotionally negative reactions no more often (18 % vs. 16 %). Assumptions of characteristic trauma or aversiveness in minor­adult first coitus, as well as gender equivalence in response, were contradicted.

Homosexual orientation-from nature, not abuse: A critique of Roberts, Glymour, and Koenen (2013).

Roberts, Glymour, and Koenen (2013), using instrumental variable models, argued that child abuse causes homosexual orientation, defined in part as any same-sex attractions. Their instruments were various negative family environment factors. In their analyses, they found that child sexual abuse (CSA) was more strongly related to homosexual orientation than non-sexual maltreatment was, especially among males. The present commentary therefore focused on male CSA. It is argued that Roberts et al.'s "abuse model" is incorrect and an alternative is presented. Male homosexual behavior is common in primates and has been common in many human societies, such that an evolved human male homosexual potential, with individual variation, can be assumed. Cultural variation has been strongly influenced by cultural norms. In our society, homosexual expression is rare because it is counternormative. The "counternormativity model" offered here holds that negative family environment weakens normative controls and increases counternormative thinking and behavior, which, in combination with sufficient homosexual potential and relevant, reinforcing experiences, can produce a homosexual orientation. This is a benign or positive model (innate potential plus release and reinforcement), in contrast to Roberts et al.'s negative model (abuse plus emotional compensation or cognitive distortion). The abuse model is criticized for being based on the sexual victimological paradigm, which developed to describe the female experience in rape and incest. This poorly fits the gay male experience, as demonstrated in a brief non-clinical literature review. Validly understanding male homosexuality, it is argued, requires the broad perspective, as employed here.

Hebephilia as mental disorder? A historical, cross-cultural, sociological, cross-species, non-clinical empirical, and evolutionary review.

Blanchard et al. (2009) demonstrated that hebephilia is a genuine sexual preference, but then proposed, without argument or evidence, that it should be designated as a mental disorder in the DSM-5. A series of Letters-to-the-Editor criticized this proposal as a non sequitur. Blanchard (2009), in rebuttal, reaffirmed his position, but without adequately addressing some central criticisms. In this article, we examine hebephilia-as-disorder in full detail. Unlike Blanchard et al., we discuss definitions of mental disorder, examine extensive evidence from a broad range of sources, and consider alternative (i.e., non-pathological) explanations for hebephilia. We employed Wakefield's (1992b) harmful dysfunction approach to disorder, which holds that a condition only counts as a disorder when it is a failure of a naturally selected mechanism to function as designed, which is harmful to the individual in the current environment. We also considered a harmful-for-others approach to disorder (Brülde, 2007). Examination of historical, cross-cultural, sociological, cross-species, non-clinical empirical, and evolutionary evidence and perspectives indicated that hebephilic interest is an evolved capacity and hebephilic preference an expectable distributional variant, both of which were adaptively neutral or functional, not dysfunctional, in earlier human environments. Hebephilia's conflict with modern society makes it an evolutionary mismatch, not a genuine disorder. Though it should not be classified as a disorder, it could be entered in the DSM's V-code [corrected] section, used for non-disordered conditions that create significant problems in present-day society.

National samples, sexual abuse in childhood, and adjustment in adulthood: a commentary on Najman, Dunne, Purdie, Boyle, and Coxeter (2005).

This article comments on the Najman, Dunne, Purdie, Boyle, and Coxeter (2005) study on the relationship between childhood sexual abuse (CSA) and later sexual functioning in an Australian national sample. We note the value of the Najman et al. study, being well conducted and using a generalizable sample, but critique Najman et al.'s interpretation that their study showed "significant impairment" due to the CSA. We computed effect sizes to show that the "effects" were small, and then show using meta-analysis that these small effects were consistent with results in a series of national samples from other countries. We argue that Najman et al.'s causal statement about CSA's "impairment" effect was unwarranted given their lack of causal analysis, the well-established fact in other research that CSA is often confounded with third variables, and the fact that CSA was confounded with a key third variable in Najman et al.'s study. Given the hyperbole that surrounds the issue of CSA, we emphasize the need for researchers to adhere to valid scientific principles in inference and precision when reporting the results of CSA research.