Modelling positive consequences: Increased vegetable intakes following modelled enjoyment versus modelled intake.

OBJECTIVE: Modelling has previously been demonstrated to encourage healthy eating, but the importance of modelling the behaviour versus modelling the positive consequences of the behaviour is unknown. This work investigated the impact of modelling carrot intake (the behaviour) and modelling carrot enjoyment (the positive consequences) on subsequent liking and consumption of carrots and sweetcorn. METHODS: 155 children aged 7-10 years were randomized to hear a story where fictional characters consumed a picnic with either: no mention of carrot sticks (control) (N = 45); mention of carrot sticks that all characters ate (modelling intake) (N = 60); or mention of carrot sticks that the characters like (modelling enjoyment) (N = 50). Carrot and sweetcorn liking and intake were measured before and after the story during a 5 min task. RESULTS: Carrot liking and intake after a story were higher following the story modelling carrot enjoyment compared to the stories not modelling enjoyment (smallest ß = 0.16, p = 0.05), and in those with higher pre-story carrot liking and intake (smallest ß = 0.25, p < 0.01). Sweetcorn liking and intake after a story were associated with pre-story sweetcorn liking and intake (smallest ß = 0.28, p < 0.01), and sweetcorn intake was lower following the story modelling carrot enjoyment compared to the stories not modelling enjoyment (ß = -0.17, p = 0.04). CONCLUSIONS: These findings demonstrate a role for modelling enjoyment to encourage vegetable liking and intake, although effects sizes were small. These findings also suggest a benefit from modelling the positive consequences of a behaviour for encouraging healthy food intake in children, while limited effects were found for modelling the behaviour itself.

India-born immigrants in Australia and Canada: a comparison of selected characteristics.

"This article examines the Indian component of Asian immigration to Canada and Australia, reviews briefly the historical background of Indian immigration, discusses the characteristics of India-born immigrants and explores their social impact upon both nations. A comparative approach is adopted to highlight similarities and differences." (SUMMARY IN FRE AND SPA)

Asian and Pacific migration: the Canadian experience.

"This article examines the characteristics of landed immigrants (permanent settlers) from Asia [to Canada] and explores their settlement, adaptation, and integration experience. Asian immigration has grown by leaps and bounds since the universalization of Canadian immigration policy. The skills content, capital inflow, and entrepreneurial impacts of Asian immigration have been significant. Generally speaking, Asian immigrants have adapted and integrated well. Yet access to Canadian territory as permanent residents, or access to Canadian citizenship, does not necessarily mean access to equal opportunity in the economy and society, though to a certain extent, Canada may have succeeded more than Australia."

Family class immigrants to Canada 1981-1984: part 2: some aspects of social adaptation.

PIP: This paper examines the adaptation of Family Class immigrants in Canada in the acquisition of language proficiency, geographic mobility, education and training, government services used, and sponsorship of other Family Class immigrants. The data were acquired in a 1983 telephone survey of 1400 immigrants in 5 metropolitan areas (Toronto, Montreal, Winnipeg, Calgary, and Vancouver). In the sample, 1) 2/5 were male; 2) 40% were age 35 or over; 3) 69% of the men and 64% of the women reported good or excellent spoken English; and 4) the average family size varied by origin, from 2.5 to 4.7, with the average being 3.9. Close to 75% from South Asia, Central and South America, the Middle East, Africa, and Western Europe and 50% from other parts of Europe had excellent or good fluency in spoken English. No ability to speak English was 3 times greater for immigrants aged 55-64 compared to those aged 18-24. More than 46% of the sample reported having taken classes in Canada that lasted more than 2 weeks. English courses predominated with occupational courses close behind, followed by general education courses. In 68% of cases, occupational courses helped immigrants improve their occupational ability. Immigrants perceived English courses to be slightly more helpful in finding employment (36%) than occupational courses (33%). 3/4 of the sample lived in the same dwelling as 12 months before; 23% had moved to a different dwelling in the same municipality. 2/3 moved to live in a better dwelling or neighborhood or because they bought a house. 4/5 of Family Class immigrants did not receive any services from Canada Employment Centres. Over 95% reported that a nuclear family member acted as their sponsor. The propensity to sponsor a relative varies by age, sex, marital status, occupation, income, length of time in Canada, number and type of relatives, and country of origin. Their sponsorship rate is not higher than rates reported in other studies. The author concludes that contrary to popular beliefs, Family Class immigrants are socially adapting to life in Canada rather rapidly.^ieng

The employment effects of immigration: a balance sheet approach.

PIP: The impact of immigration on unemployment in Canada is examined for the period 1983-1985. The authors attempt to construct a balance sheet of immigration in terms of labor supply and demand. They conclude that immigrants create more jobs than they fill, and that their net effect on the employment situation is positive. (SUMMARY IN FRE AND SPA)^ieng

National recording systems and the measurement of international migration in Canada: an assessment.

PIP: This article provides a critical assessment of the adequacy of Canada's statistical sources on immigration and emigration for both scientific study and policy needs. These data collection systems are discussed: 1) registration systems, 2) the census, and 3) administrative records and surveys. The authors conclude that Canadian migration data systems have both strengths and weaknesses. The following are some of these strengths. 1) The census is a unique source of consistent, up-to-date information on the immigrant stock. 2) Surveys provide insights on attitudes towards immigrants. 3) Citizenship data tell how many immigrants have acquired Canadian citizenship. 4) When data gaps were noticed, special efforts were made to fill them. The following are some of the data systems' weaknesses. 1) The most significant weakness is the absence of data on the characteristics of emigrants and their destination. 2) Information on returning residents is limited. 3) Undocumented immigrants defy documentation and very little is known on this group. 4) There are only skimpy data on refugee claimants. 5) There are few analyses of the differential fertility, mortality, and nuptiality patterns of the immigrants and the Canadian born. 6) The rate of return of immigrants is unknown. 7) The number of Canadian students abroad and their field of study is unknown. 8) Information on change of status and enforcement is limited. 9) The de facto population of Canada is unknown since Statistics Canada enumerates and estimates only the de jure population. 10) Lack of coordination among the multiple agencies that collect data is a major weakness; data are often unavailable in the form in which, or time when, it is required.^ieng

The labour market experiences of Canadian immigrants.

The economic adaptation of immigrants to Canada is analyzed using government data on the labor force and landed immigrants. In particular, the labor force experience of a sample of immigrants in Canada is examined and compared with that of a Canadian cohort with regard to length of unemployment and income. "Differences in unemployment and insurable earnings are examined by age, sex, immigrant category..., world area of last permanent residence, official language abilities, education, and region of residence." (summary in FRE, SPA)

Economic adaptation of refugees in Canada: experience of a quarter century.

PIP: This paper examines the economic adaptation, in terms of employment and income, for 400,000 refugees, mainly displaced persons, Hungarians, Czechoslovaks, Ugandan Asians, Chileans, and Indochinese, in Canada during the last 25 years. The author looks at 1) east in obtaining a first job, 2) unemployment, 3) wives' employment, 4) job search techniques, and 5) occupation. Economic climate largely determines the time needed to find a first job. 55% of Hungarian refugees in 1957-58 found a job within a month; only 30% of Czechoslovak refugees in 1968-69 found a job within a month. Refugees and regular immigrants have higher unemployment than native Canadians; but the rate drops dramatically within a few years. Employment and unemployment for refugees is influenced by 1) prevailing labor market conditions, 2) English and/or French language proficiency, 3) sympathy by the population for the refugees, 4) support by people of the same ethnic group, and 5) the refugees' own adaptability. Survey results show that more refugee wives are employed than Canadian born wives; over 69% of Chilean refugee women worked in 1975-76. Most refugees use the Canada Employment Center, and informal channels such as "word of mouth" and friends and relatives to find jobs. Lack of qualifications and experience, and lack of language proficiency hinder many refugees in finding jobs for which they have trained. Income is an indicator of the success of refugee economic adaptation. Refugees, like regular immigrants, have lower than average income levels in their first years in Canada; however, they often earn more than the Canadian born after the difficult first years. Family incomes, because of female labor force participation, may widen the differences even more. Although many refugees are not working in their intended professions, most refugee groups have adjusted well economically in Canada.^ieng