Exploring whether and how Black and White parents talk with their children about race: M(ai)cro race conversations about Black Lives Matter.

Previous research on parent-led race conversations reports robust racial differences in the content of race conversations between Black and white parents. It was unknown, however, whether these racial differences shifted in the months immediately following the summer of 2020 when there was heightened public attention directed toward white parents, specifically, to talk with children about racism. In the present study, we investigated whether and how Black (n = 344) and white (n = 381) parents talked about Black Lives Matter (BLM) with their 8- to 11-year-old children. Overall, 80% of parents (n = 725) reported talking about BLM, but Black parents were significantly more likely to discuss BLM than white parents (p = .008). Further qualitative analysis of the content of parents' reports showed that Black parents were significantly more likely than white parents to provide responses about BLM that acknowledge racial inequality in society or explicitly affirm/support Black lives. White parents, in contrast, were significantly more likely to discuss BLM by focusing on equality but without acknowledging racial injustice or to provide responses that lacked clarity and/or substance. Using the m(ai)cro model of human development (Rogers, Niwa, et al., 2021), we discuss how parents' reported race conversations are shaped by the sociopolitical context and their role in disrupting (or perpetuating) systemic racism through socialization. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

Children's evaluations of and reactions to racial discrimination.

Despite the potential benefits of children's confrontations of other children's racial biases-especially for targets of bias-little is known about how young children react upon observing instances of racial discrimination. In the present research, child participants completed a novel measure designed to test their reactions to another child's racially discriminatory behavior. The measure presented scenarios in which a protagonist who matched the participant's race (Asian, Latinx, or White) repeatedly excluded Black children from different social activities. Participants evaluated the protagonist's behavior and had an opportunity to confront the protagonist. Both a pilot study and a full preregistered study revealed that the novel measure had high reliability within participants and substantial variability across participants (pilot study: N = 54 U.S. White 5-7-year-olds, 27 girls, 27 boys, median household income range of $125,001-$150,000; full study: N = 126 U.S. 4-10-year-olds, 33.33% Asian, 33.33% Latinx, 33.33% White, 56 girls, 70 boys, median household income: $120,001-$125,000). In the full study, older children and children whose parents reported more racial socialization rated the protagonist's behavior more negatively; older children were also more likely to confront the protagonist. Neither participants' own race nor their prior exposure to racial diversity impacted their evaluations or confrontations of discrimination. The results have implications for understanding children's potential to serve as agents of social change by regulating other children's racial biases and behaviors. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2023 APA, all rights reserved).

Engaging White parents to address their White children's racial biases in the Black-White context.

Multiple studies (n = 1065 parents, 625 females, 437 males, 3 nonbinary, 99.06% White; n = 80, 5 to 7-year-old children, 35 girls, 45 boys, 87.50% White; data collection September 2017-January 2021) investigated White U.S. parents' thinking about White children's Black-White racial biases. In Studies 1-3, parents reported that their own and other children would not express racial biases. When predicting children's social preferences for Black and White children (Study 2), parents underestimated their own and other children's racial biases. Reading an article about the nature, prevalence, and consequences of White children's racial biases (Study 3) increased parents' awareness of, concern about, and motivation to address children's biases (relative to a control condition). The findings have implications for engaging White parents to address their children's racial biases.

Parents' Role in Addressing Children's Racial Bias: The Case of Speculation Without Evidence.

Children begin displaying racial biases early in development, which has led many authors of popular-press articles to generate suggestions for preventing and decreasing such biases. One common theme in the popular press is that parents should play a role in addressing children's biases. In the present article, we analyze the current recommendations parents receive about addressing their children's biases and consider their utility. We conclude that the evidence base supporting the effectiveness of parental intervention to reduce children's biases is scant. Next, we offer suggestions for how to construct a useful evidence base from which good recommendations could be drawn. In so doing, we issue a call to action for researchers to conduct research that will yield empirically supported, specific, shareable suggestions for parents who are seeking advice about how to engage with their children in this important domain. We also suggest that researchers become actively involved in the dissemination of the research findings so as to improve the lives of those who receive and express biases.

Parents' Expectations for and Reactions to Children's Racial Biases.

How do parents think about and react to their children's racial biases? Across three studies (N = 519) we investigated whether and how parents' Internal Motivation to Respond without Prejudice Scale (IMS) predicted standards for their children's race-related behavior, and tested parents' affective reactions to imagining their children violating their standards. Studies 1 and 2 demonstrated that parents (of 4- to 12-year-old children) with high IMS set more stringent standards for their children's race-related behavior than their low IMS counterparts. Upon considering their children expressing racial bias, high IMS parents reported negative self-directed affect (i.e., guilt; Studies 2 and 3), an affective response that motivates prejudice reduction in adults. The results have implications for involving parents in prejudice interventions targeting children's biases.

Counterstereotyping can change children's thinking about boys' and girls' toy preferences.

Children think that peers prefer gender-stereotypical toys over gender-counterstereotypical toys. These beliefs can limit children's exploration of gender-counterstereotypical behaviors and prevent the development of broad skills and interests. The current research tested interventions to combat gender-based stereotyping about toys among children aged 4 to 7 years (N = 373). Across four experiments featuring seven different intervention versions, participants saw videos where a teacher provided counterstereotypical messages about toy preferences (e.g., "boys like dolls," "girls like trucks"). The phrasing of the messages (e.g., generic vs. demonstrative) and accompanying photographs (e.g., images of many children vs. one child) varied across experiments. In all intervention conditions, participants made more counterstereotypical (and fewer stereotypical) predictions about peers' toy preferences after viewing intervention videos; differences in the phrasing of the intervention message (e.g., "boys like dolls" vs. "this kid likes dolls") had little effect on participants' predictions. In Experiment 4, an intervention condition containing generic phrasing and gender noun labels (e.g., "boys like dolls") changed children's selection of toys for peers. This research provides promise for counterstereotyping as an impactful and easily implementable intervention strategy.