Electrophysiological evidence for the interaction of prosody and thematic fit during sentence comprehension.

This study investigated the interaction of prosody and thematic fit/plausibility information during the processing of sentences containing temporary early closure (correct) or late closure (incorrect) syntactic ambiguities using event-related potentials (ERPs). Early closure sentences with congruent and incongruent prosody were presented where the temporarily ambiguous NP was either a plausible or an implausible continuation for the subordinate verb (e.g. "While the band played the song/beer pleased all the customers."). N400 and P600 components were examined at critical points in each condition. The CPS was examined in sentences with congruent prosody. Prosodic and thematic fit cues interacted immediately (N400-P600) at the implausible NP (beer), when it was paired with incongruent prosody. Incongruent prosody paired with a plausible NP (song) resulted in garden-path effects (N400-P600) at the critical verb (pleased). These findings provide strong evidence that prosodic and thematic fit/plausibility cues interact to aid the parser in syntactic structure building.

Proform-Antecedent Linking in Individuals with Agrammatic Aphasia: A Test of the Intervener Hypothesis.

PURPOSE: To evaluate processing and comprehension of pronouns and reflexives in individuals with agrammatic (Broca's) aphasia and age-matched control participants. Specifically, we evaluate processing and comprehension patterns in terms of a specific hypothesis -- the Intervener Hypothesis - that posits that the difficulty of individuals with agrammatic (Broca's) aphasia results from similarity-based interference caused by the presence of an intervening NP between two elements of a dependency chain. METHODS: We used an eye tracking-while-listening paradigm to investigate real-time processing (Experiment 1) and a sentence-picture matching task to investigate final interpretive comprehension (Experiment 2) of sentences containing proforms in complement phrase and subject relative constructions. RESULTS: Individuals with agrammatic aphasia demonstrated a greater proportion of gazes to the correct referent of reflexives relative to pronouns and significantly greater comprehension accuracy of reflexives relative to pronouns. CONCLUSIONS: These results provide support for the Intervener Hypothesis, previous support for which comes from studies of Wh- questions and unaccusative verbs, and we argue that this account provides an explanation for the deficits of individuals with agrammatic aphasia across a growing set of sentence constructions. The current study extends this hypothesis beyond filler-gap dependencies to referential dependencies and allows us to refine the hypothesis in terms of the structural constraints that meet the description of the Intervener Hypothesis.

The curious case of processing unaccusative verbs in aphasia.

BACKGROUND: Individuals with agrammatic Broca's aphasia (IWBA) exhibit a delay in lexical activation in S-V-O word order sentences and delayed lexical reactivation in sentences that contain syntactic dependencies. This pattern is in contrast to neurologically unimpaired individuals who immediately evince lexical reactivation at the gap in sentences that contain syntactic dependencies. However, in the case of sentences that contain unaccusative verbs, neurologically unimpaired individuals also exhibit a delay in lexical reactivation. This delay provides a unique opportunity to further examine lexical delays in IWBA. AIM: The purpose of the current studies is to investigate the online comprehension of sentences that contain unaccusative verbs in IWBA and in a group of age-matched control (AMC) individuals. METHODS AND PROCEDURES: Cross-modal picture priming was used to test for priming of a displaced lexical item (direct object noun) immediately after the unaccusative verb (at the gap) during the ongoing auditory stream and at three additional time points downstream from the verb (500 ms, 750 ms, and 1,250 ms). OUTCOMES AND RESULTS: Delayed reactivation of the displaced lexical item downstream from the gap (similar to prior reports of delayed reactivation with younger unimpaired listeners) for both the AMCs and the IWBA was found. CONCLUSION: These results provide support that IWBA do not evince a delayed time course of lexical reactivation for unaccusative verbs compared to neurologically unimpaired individuals.

Electrophysiology of prosodic and lexical-semantic processing during sentence comprehension in aphasia.

Event-related potentials (ERPs) were used to examine how individuals with aphasia and a group of age-matched controls use prosody and themattic fit information in sentences containing temporary syntactic ambiguities. Two groups of individuals with aphasia were investigated; those demonstrating relatively good sentence comprehension whose primary language difficulty is anomia (Individuals with Anomic Aphasia (IWAA)), and those who demonstrate impaired sentence comprehension whose primary diagnosis is Broca's aphasia (Individuals with Broca's Aphasia (IWBA)). The stimuli had early closure syntactic structure and contained a temporary early closure (correct)/late closure (incorrect) syntactic ambiguity. The prosody was manipulated to either be congruent or incongruent, and the temporarily ambiguous NP was also manipulated to either be a plausible or an implausible continuation for the subordinate verb (e.g., "While the band played the song/the beer pleased all the customers."). It was hypothesized that an implausible NP in sentences with incongruent prosody may provide the parser with a plausibility cue that could be used to predict syntactic structure. The results revealed that incongruent prosody paired with a plausibility cue resulted in an N400-P600 complex at the implausible NP (the beer) in both the controls and the IWAAs, yet incongruent prosody without a plausibility cue resulted in an N400-P600 at the critical verb (pleased) only in healthy controls. IWBAs did not show evidence of N400 or P600 effects at the ambiguous NP or critical verb, although they did show evidence of a delayed N400 effect at the sentence-final word in sentences with incongruent prosody. These results suggest that IWAAs have difficulty integrating prosodic cues with underlying syntactic structure when lexical-semantic information is not available to aid their parse. IWBAs have difficulty integrating both prosodic and lexical-semantic cues with syntactic structure, likely due to a processing delay.

The comprehension of sentences with unaccusative verbs in aphasia: a test of the intervener hypothesis.

BACKGROUND: It is well accepted that individuals with agrammatic Broca's aphasia have difficulty comprehending some sentences with filler-gap dependencies. While investigations of these difficulties have been conducted with several different sentence types (e.g., object relatives, Wh-questions), we explore sentences containing unaccusative verbs, which arguably have a single noun phrase (NP) that is base-generated in object position but then is displaced to surface subject position. Unaccusative verbs provide an ideal test case for a particular hypothesis about the comprehension disorder-the Intervener Hypothesis-that posits that the difficulty individuals with agrammatic Broca's aphasia have comprehending sentences containing filler-gap dependencies results from similarity-based interference caused by the presence of an intervening NP between the two elements of a syntactic chain. AIM: To assess a particular account of the comprehension deficit in agrammatic Broca's aphasia-the Intervener Hypothesis. METHODS & PROCEDURES: We used a sentence-picture matching task to determine if listeners with agrammatic Broca's aphasia (LWBA) and age-matched neurologically unimpaired controls (AMC) have difficulty comprehending unaccusative verbs when placed in subject relative and complement phrase (CP) constructions. OUTCOMES & RESULTS: We found above-chance comprehension of both sentence constructions with the AMC participants. In contrast, we found above-chance comprehension of CP sentences containing unaccusative verbs but poor comprehension of subject relative sentences containing unaccusative verbs for the LWBA. CONCLUSIONS: These results provide support for the Intervener Hypothesis, wherein the presence of an intervening NP between two elements of a filler-gap dependency adversely affects sentence comprehension.

The Auditory Comprehension of Wh-Questions in Aphasia: Support for the Intervener Hypothesis.

PURPOSE: This study examines 3 hypotheses about the processing of wh-questions in both neurologically healthy adults and adults with Broca's aphasia. METHOD: We used an eye tracking while listening method with 32 unimpaired participants (Experiment 1) and 8 participants with Broca's aphasia (Experiment 2). Accuracy, response time, and online gaze data were collected. RESULTS: In Experiment 1, we established a baseline for how unimpaired processing and comprehension of 4 types of wh-question (subject- and object-extracted who- and which-questions) manifest. There was no unambiguous support found for any of the 3 hypotheses in Experiment 1. In Experiment 2 with the Broca's participants, however, we found significantly lower accuracy, slower response times, and increased interference in our gaze data in the object-extracted which-questions relative to the other conditions. CONCLUSIONS: Our results provide support for the intervener hypothesis, which states that sentence constructions that contain an intervener (a lexical noun phrase) between a displaced noun phrase and its gap site result in a significant processing disadvantage relative to other constructions. We argue that this hypothesis offers a compelling explanation for the comprehension deficits seen in some participants with Broca's aphasia.

The time-course of lexical activation during sentence comprehension in people with aphasia.

PURPOSE: To investigate the time-course of processing of lexical items in auditorily presented canonical (subject-verb-object) constructions in young, neurologically unimpaired control participants and participants with left-hemisphere damage and agrammatic aphasia. METHOD: A cross modal picture priming (CMPP) paradigm was used to test 114 control participants and 8 participants with agrammatic aphasia for priming of a lexical item (direct object noun) immediately after it is initially encountered in the ongoing auditory stream and at 3 additional time points at 400-ms intervals. RESULTS: The control participants demonstrated immediate activation of the lexical item, followed by a rapid loss (decay). The participants with aphasia demonstrated delayed activation of the lexical item. CONCLUSION: This evidence supports the hypothesis of a delay in lexical activation in people with agrammatic aphasia. The delay in lexical activation feeds syntactic processing too slowly, contributing to comprehension deficits in people with agrammatic aphasia.

The role of parallelism in the real-time processing of anaphora.

Parallelism effects refer to the facilitated processing of a target structure when it follows a similar, parallel structure. In coordination, a parallelism-related conjunction triggers the expectation that a second conjunct with the same structure as the first conjunct should occur. It has been proposed that parallelism effects reflect the use of the first structure as a template that guides the processing of the second. In this study, we examined the role of parallelism in real-time anaphora resolution by charting activation patterns in coordinated constructions containing anaphora, Verb-Phrase Ellipsis (VPE) and Noun-Phrase Traces (NP-traces). Specifically, we hypothesised that an expectation of parallelism would incite the parser to assume a structure similar to the first conjunct in the second, anaphora-containing conjunct. The speculation of a similar structure would result in early postulation of covert anaphora. Experiment 1 confirms that following a parallelism-related conjunction, first-conjunct material is activated in the second conjunct. Experiment 2 reveals that an NP-trace in the second conjunct is posited immediately where licensed, which is earlier than previously reported in the literature. In light of our findings, we propose an intricate relation between structural expectations and anaphor resolution.

The real-time processing of sluiced sentences.

Ellipsis refers to an element that is absent from the input but whose meaning can nonetheless be recovered from context. In this cross-modal priming study, we examined the online processing of Sluicing, an ellipsis whose antecedent is an entire clause: The handyman threw a book to the programmer but I don't know which book the handyman threw to the programmer(ellipsis.) To understand such an elliptical construction, the listener arguably must 'fill in' the missing material ("the handyman threw___ to the programmer") based on that which occurs in the antecedent clause. We aimed to determine the point in time in which reconstruction of the sluiced sentence is attempted and whether such a complex antecedent is re-accessed by the ellipsis. Out of the two antecedent constituents for which we probed, only the Object (programmer) was found active in the elliptical clause, confirming that an antecedent is attributed to the sluice in real time. Possible reasons for the non-observation of the Subject (handyman) are considered. We also suggest that ellipses are detected earlier in coordinated than subordinated sentences.

Parallelism effects and verb activation: the sustained reactivation hypothesis.

This study investigated the processes underlying parallelism by evaluating the activation of a parallel element (i.e., a verb) throughout and-coordinated sentences. Four points were tested: (1) approximately 1,600 ms after the verb in the first conjunct (PP1), (2) immediately following the conjunction (PP2), (3) approximately 1,100 ms after the conjunction (PP3), (4) at the end of the second conjunct (PP4). The results revealed no activation at PP1, suggesting activation related to the initial presentation had decayed by this point; however, activation was observed at PP2, PP3, and PP4, suggesting the conjunction elicits reactivation that is sustained throughout the second conjunct. These findings support a specific hypothesis about parallelism, the sustained reactivation hypothesis. This hypothesis claims that, in conjoined structures, a cue that is associated with parallelism elicits the reactivation of material from the first conjunct and that this activation is sustained until integration with the second conjunct can be completed.

The time course of verb processing in Dutch sentences.

The verb has traditionally been characterized as the central element in a sentence. Nevertheless, the exact role of the verb during the actual ongoing comprehension of a sentence as it unfolds in time remains largely unknown. This paper reports the results of two Cross-Modal Lexical Priming (CMLP) experiments detailing the pattern of verb priming during on-line processing of Dutch sentences. Results are contrasted with data from a third CMLP experiment on priming of nouns in similar sentences. It is demonstrated that the meaning of a matrix verb remains active throughout the entire matrix clause, while this is not the case for the meaning of a subject head noun. Activation of the meaning of the verb only dissipates upon encountering a clear signal as to the start of a new clause.

The on-line processing of verb-phrase ellipsis in aphasia.

We investigate the on-line processing of verb-phrase ellipsis (VPE) constructions in two brain injured populations: Broca's and Anomic aphasics. VPE constructions are built from two simple clauses; the first is the antecedent clause and the second is the ellipsis clause. The ellipsis clause is missing its verb and object (i.e., its verb phrase (VP)), which receives its reference from the fully specified VP in the antecedent clause. VPE constructions are unlike other sentence types that require displacement of an argument NP; these latter constructions (e.g., object-relatives, wh-questions) yield either on-time or delayed antecedent reactivation. Our results demonstrate that Anomics, like unimpaired individuals, evince reactivation of the direct object NP (within the VP) at the elided position. Broca's patients, on the other hand, do not show reactivation of the antecedent. We consider several interpretations for our data, including explanations focusing on the larger 'grain size' of the reconstructed material in the ellipsis clause, the properties of the auxiliary that carries tense and agreement features, and the possibility that the cost-free syntactic copy procedure claimed to underlie VPE may be modulated by the functional deficit in Broca's aphasia.

The Leaf Fell (the Leaf): The Online Processing of Unaccusatives.

According to the Unaccusative Hypothesis, unaccusative subjects are base-generated in object position and move to subject position. We examined this hypothesis using the cross-modal lexical priming technique, which tests whether and when an antecedent is reactivated during the online processing of a sentence. We compared sentences containing unergative verbs with sentences containing unaccusatives, both alternating and nonalternating, and found that subjects of unaccusatives reactivate after the verb, while subjects of unergatives do not. Alternating unaccusatives showed a mixed pattern of reactivation. The research directly supports the Unaccusative Hypothesis.

Activating basic category exemplars in sentence contexts: a dynamical account.

This paper examines the influence of context on the processing of category names embedded in sentences. The investigation focuses on the nature of information available immediately after such a word is heard as well as on the dynamics of adaptation to context. An on-line method (Cross Modal Lexical Priming) was used to trace how this process unfolds in time. We found that the information available immediately after a category word is presented is not altered by the sentence context in which the word is immersed. Rather, the structure of availability of particular exemplars of the category resembles the typicality structure of a conceptual representation. The adaptation to context occurs later (between 300 and 450 ms after the category word) and takes the form of a rapid reorganization of the structure rather than a gradual activation of a contextually relevant exemplar. We claim that such data is best accounted for in a dynamical framework, where a coherent global structure emerges through locally guided self-organization.

Complexity in treatment of syntactic deficits.

PURPOSE: This article addresses complexity in the context of treatment for sentence structural impairments in agrammatic aphasia, with emphasis on noncanonical sentences involving linguistic movement and their related counterparts. Extensions of the complexity effect to recovery of canonical sentences also are discussed, stressing the linguistic properties of verbs as well as grammatical morphology in building complexity hierarchies. METHOD: A number of variables to consider in developing complexity hierarchies in the syntactic domain are addressed, and a series of studies using single-subject controlled experimental analysis are discussed. RESULTS: Findings across studies show that training complex sentences results in improvement of simpler structures when, and only when, the underlying linguistic properties are shared by both. The opposite approach, training simple structures first and building to more complex ones, does not provide the full benefit of treatment, in that little or no generalization occurs across structures. CONCLUSION: Using complex language material as a starting point for treatment of sentence structural deficits in aphasia results in cascading generalization to simpler, linguistically related material and expands spontaneous language production in many language-disordered adults with aphasia. Clinicians are, therefore, urged to adopt this approach in clinical practice, even though it is counterintuitive and departs significantly from conventional treatment methods.

Processing distinct linguistic information types in working memory in aphasia.

BACKGROUND: Recent investigations have suggested that adults with aphasia present with a working memory deficit that may contribute to their language-processing difficulties. Working memory capacity has been conceptualised as a single "resource" pool for attentional, linguistic, and other executive processing-alternatively, it has been suggested that there may be separate working memory abilities for different types of linguistic information. A challenge in this line of research is developing an appropriate measure of working memory ability in adults with aphasia. One candidate measure of working memory ability that may be appropriate for this population is the n-back task. By manipulating stimulus type, the n-back task may be appropriate for tapping linguistic-specific working memory abilities. AIMS: The purposes of this study were (a) to measure working memory ability in adults with aphasia for processing specific types of linguistic information, and (b) to examine whether a relationship exists between participants' performance on working memory and auditory comprehension measures. METHOD #ENTITYSTARTX00026; PROCEDURES: Nine adults with aphasia participated in the study. Participants completed three n-back tasks, each tapping different types of linguistic information. They included the PhonoBack (phonological level), SemBack (semantic level), and SynBack (syntactic level). For all tasks, two n-back levels were administered: a 1-back and 2-back. Each level contained 20 target items; accuracy was recorded by stimulus presentation software. The Subject-relative, Object-relative, Active, Passive Test of Syntactic Complexity (SOAP) was the syntactic sentence comprehension task administered to all participants. OUTCOMES #ENTITYSTARTX00026; RESULTS: Participants' performance declined as n-back task difficulty increased. Overall, participants performed better on the SemBack than PhonoBack and SynBack tasks, but the differences were not statistically significant. Finally, participants who performed poorly on the SynBack also had more difficulty comprehending syntactically complex sentence structures (i.e., passive & object-relative sentences). CONCLUSIONS: Results indicate that working memory ability for different types of linguistic information can be measured in adults with aphasia. Further, our results add to the growing literature that favours separate working memory abilities for different types of linguistic information view.

Treating agrammatic aphasia within a linguistic framework: Treatment of Underlying Forms.

BACKGROUND: Formal linguistic properties of sentences-both lexical, i.e., argument structure, and syntactic, i.e., movement-as well as what is known about normal and disordered sentence processing and production, were considered in the development of Treatment of Underlying Forms (TUF), a linguistic approach to treatment of sentence deficits in patients with agrammatic aphasia. TUF is focused on complex, non-canonical sentence structures and operates on the premise that training underlying, abstract, properties of language will allow for effective generalisation to untrained structures that share similar linguistic properties, particularly those of lesser complexity. AIMS: In this paper we summarise a series of studies focused on examining the effects of TUF. METHODS #ENTITYSTARTX00026;PROCEDURES: In each study, sentences selected for treatment and for generalisation analysis were controlled for their lexical and syntactic properties, with some structures related and others unrelated along theoretical lines. We use single-subject experimental designs-i.e., multiple baseline designs across participants and behaviours-to chart improvement in comprehension and production of both trained and untrained structures. One structure was trained at a time, while untrained sentences were tested for generalisation. Participants included individuals with mild to moderately severe agrammatic, Broca's aphasia with characteristic deficits patterns. OUTCOMES #ENTITYSTARTX00026; RESULTS: Results of this work have shown that treatment improves the sentence types entered into treatment, that generalisation occurs to sentences which are linguistically related to those trained, and that treatment results in changes in spontaneous discourse in most patients. Further, we have found that generalisation is enhanced when the direction of treatment is from more to less complex structures, a finding that led to the Complexity Account of Treatment Efficacy (CATE, Thompson, Shapiro, Kiran, & Sobecks, 2003). Finally, results of recent work showing that treatment appears to affect processing of trained sentences in real time and that treatment gains can be mapped onto the brain using functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) are discussed. CONCLUSIONS: These findings indicate that TUF is effective for treating sentence comprehension and production in patients who present with language deficit patterns like those seen in our patients. Patients receiving this treatment show strong generalisation effects to untrained language material. Given the current healthcare climate, which limits the amount of treatment that aphasic patients receive following stroke, it is important that clinicians deliver treatment that results in optimal generalisation in the least amount of time possible.

The role of syntactic complexity in treatment of sentence deficits in agrammatic aphasia: the complexity account of treatment efficacy (CATE).

This experiment examined the hypothesis that training production of syntactically complex sentences results in generalization to less complex sentences that have processes in common with treated structures. Using a single subject experimental design, 4 individuals with agrammatic aphasia were trained to comprehend and produce filler-gap sentences with wh-movement, including, from least to most complex, object-extracted who-questions, object clefts, and sentences with object-relative clausal embedding. Two participants received treatment first on the least complex structure (who-questions), and 2 received treatment first on the most complex form (object-relative constructions), while untrained sentences and narrative language samples were tested for generalization. When generalization did not occur across structures, each was successively entered into treatment. Results showed no generalization across sentence types when who-questions were trained; however, as predicted, object-relative training resulted in robust generalization to both object clefts and who-questions. These findings support those derived from previous work, indicating not only that generalization occurs across structures that are linguistically related, but also that generalization is enhanced when the direction of treatment is from more complex to less complex constructions. This latter finding supports the authors' newly coined "complexity account of treatment efficacy" (CATE).

Agrammatic comprehension of simple active sentences with moved constituents: Hebrew OSV and OVS structures.

This study examines agrammatic comprehension of object-subject-verb (OSV) and object-verb-subject (OVS) structures in Hebrew. These structures are syntactically identical to the basic order subject-verb-object (SVO) sentence except for the movement of the object to the beginning of the sentence, and thus enable empirical examination of syntactic movement in agrammatic comprehension. Seven individuals with agrammatism, 7 individuals with conduction aphasia, and 7 individuals without language impairment, all native speakers of Hebrew, performed a sentence-picture matching task. The task compared OSV and OVS sentences to SVO sentences and to subject and object relatives. Individuals with agrammatism performed more poorly than those in either of the other groups. Their comprehension of SVO sentences was significantly above chance, but comprehension of OSV and OVS sentences was at chance and was poorer than comprehension of SVO sentences. These results show that agrammatic comprehension of structures that involve movement of a noun phrase is impaired even when the structure is a simple active sentence, in line with the Trace Deletion Hypothesis (TDH; Y. Grodzinsky, 1990, 1995a, 2000). A modification is suggested to accommodate the TDH with the VP Internal Subject Hypothesis, according to which individuals with agrammatism use an "Avoid Movement" strategy in comprehension.