Work schedules of long-distance truck drivers before and after 2004 hours-of-service rule change.

OBJECTIVES: Federal rules regulate work hours of interstate commercial truck drivers. On January 4, 2004, a new work rule was implemented, increasing daily and weekly maximum driving limits and daily off-duty requirements. The present study assessed changes in long-distance truck drivers' reported work schedules and reported fatigued driving after the rule change. Associations between reported rule violations, fatigued driving, and schedule as well as other characteristics were examined. METHODS: Samples of long-distance truck drivers were interviewed face-to-face in two states immediately before the rule change (November-December 2003) and about 1 year (November-December 2004) and 2 years (November-December 2005) after the change. RESULTS: Drivers reported substantially more hours of driving after the rule change. Most drivers reported regularly using a new restart provision, which permits a substantial increase in weekly driving. Reported daily off-duty and sleep time increased. Reported incidents of falling asleep at the wheel of the truck increased between 2003 (before the rule change) and 2004 and 2005 (after the change); in 2005 about one fifth of drivers reported falling asleep at the wheel in the past month. The frequency of reported rule violations under the old and new rules was similar. The percentage of trucks with electronic on-board recorders increased significantly to almost half the fleet; only a few drivers were using automated recorders to report rule compliance. More than half of drivers said that requiring automated recorders on all large trucks to enforce driving-hour limits would improve compliance with work rules. Based on the 2004-2005 survey data, drivers who reported more frequent rule violations were significantly more likely to report fatigued driving. Predictors of reported violations included having unrealistic delivery schedules, longer wait times to drop off or pick up loads, difficulty finding a legal place to stop or rest, and driving a refrigerated trailer. CONCLUSIONS: Reported truck driver fatigue increased after the new rule was implemented, suggesting that the rule change may not have achieved the goal of reducing fatigued driving. Reported violations of the work rules remain common. Because many trucks already have electronic recorders, requiring them as a means of monitoring driving hours appears feasible.

Requiring belt use as part of a school parking permit program: does it increase students' belt use?

OBJECTIVE: Teenagers have very high motor vehicle crash rates, and their use of seat belts is generally lower than that of adults. A potential school-based strategy to increase teenagers' belt use is a policy making parking privileges contingent on belt use by student drivers and their passengers. This study evaluated the effects of implementing a school belt policy. METHODS: The effects of a belt policy were evaluated during the 2003-2004 school year at high schools in two states: Connecticut, a state with a primary enforcement belt law and high belt use rates, and Mississippi, a state with a secondary enforcement law and generally low use rates. Both schools enforced the policy, and violations resulted in a graduated set of penalties leading to the potential loss of parking privileges. Baseline and post-policy belt use rates were obtained from observation surveys of student drivers and their teenage passengers coming to and from school. Changes in belt use were examined relative to belt use trends at comparison schools without a belt policy. Implementation of the policies also was monitored. RESULTS: In Mississippi, among students arriving at school in the morning, driver belt use increased from 42% before the policy to 67% about 6 months after; passenger belt use increased from 16% to 61%, although sample sizes were small. These increases were significantly larger than expected, based on belt use trends at the comparison school in Mississippi. In Connecticut, where 86% of drivers and 79% of their passengers already were belted prior to the policy, there was no significant change. Both schools publicized and monitored the belt policy, and most enforcement occurred in the morning as students arrived at school. CONCLUSIONS: Based on a small-scale application of a belt policy at two schools in different states, a school belt policy may have stronger effects in states where belt use is low. Strong penalties and enforcement are essential elements of an effective policy. Adequate resources and commitment are needed for schools to implement and monitor the type of strong policy needed to sustain high belt use rates. Replication of this study in additional schools appears warranted.

The relationship between perceived risk of being ticketed and self-reported seat belt use.

PROBLEM: Twenty-nine percent of Americans failed to use their seat belts in 2000. Efforts to improve safety belt usage can be enhanced by identifying specific factors that motivate belt use. METHOD: Motorist survey data were used to examine the effect of Perceived Risk of being Ticketed (PRT) for a seat belt infraction on self-reported seat belt use. RESULTS: Analyses indicated that individuals and groups of individuals who have higher PRT typically report higher belt usage. Factorial analyses indicated that this perceived risk to belt use relationship holds both within groups with generally high (e.g., upper income) and generally low (e.g. young men) overall self-reported belt use. DISCUSSION: Applications of PRT to improve seat belt use are discussed. IMPACT ON INDUSTRY: Enforcement of existing laws, perhaps through selective traffic enforcement programs, and strengthening laws to create a higher perception of being ticketed by motorists should increase safety belt use thereby saving lives and reducing cost for individuals, government, and industry.

Taking the Click It or Ticket model nationwide.

Click It or Ticket is an occupant protection Selective Traffic Enforcement Program (sTEP) combining intensive paid and earned publicity with enforcement during a brief two to four week period. North Carolina demonstrated substantial increases in safety belt use associated with their implementation of the first statewide Click It or Ticket program in 1993. In 2000, Click It or Ticket was implemented in South Carolina. In 2001, Click It or Ticket was implemented across all eight states of the southeast. In 2002, ten states in various parts of the country implemented Click It or Ticket; four states implemented parts of the full Click It or Ticket program; and four states were used as comparisons. Belt use increases were greatest in the full implementation states. Click It or Ticket was implemented nationally in 2003. This paper presents a historical perspective on the implementation and evaluation of Click It or Ticket programs.

Tracking traffic citations through court adjudications to posting to public driver records.

Research has shown that one of the best predictors of a driver's future crash risk is the number of prior moving traffic violations (e.g., speeding). Public driver records are used by government and nongovernment users to assess drivers' future crash risks. However, the adequacy of such records may be compromised by deficient recordkeeping systems and by court-based diversion programs (e.g., probation before judgment, traffic school election) that allow drivers presumed guilty to avoid convictions in court and posting of the violations to their driver records. Using a case study approach in four jurisdictions in three states, citations issued for traffic violations were tracked through court adjudication to placement on driver records. Individual court case records and driver history records were reviewed. The percentages of citations issued that appeared on driver records were 58-87% for moving violations, 30-94% for driving while impaired (DWI), and 67-95% for occupant restraint violations. Diversion programs were a significant factor in two states, where 21% and 35% of moving violation citations resulted in diversions. Almost all court convictions in each jurisdiction were recorded on driver records, but few citations resulting in diversions were recorded. Thus, diversion programs in some jurisdictions substantially reduce the utility of public driver records as reliable indicators of prior traffic violations and future crash risks. Recordkeeping inefficiencies and errors were less important factors in this study.

Analysis of motor-vehicle crashes at stop signs in four US cities.

PROBLEM: Nearly 700000 police-reported motor vehicle crashes occur annually at stop signs, and approximately one-third of these crashes involve injuries. The purpose of this study was to develop a better understanding of the crashes that occur at stop signs and to identify potential countermeasures. METHOD: Police reports of crashes at stop sign-controlled intersections during 1996-2000 in four U.S. cities were examined in detail. At total of 1788 crash reports for intersections with two-way stop signs were included in the study. RESULTS: Stop sign violations accounted for about 70% of all crashes. Typically these crashes were angular collisions. Among crashes not involving stop violations, rear-end crashes were most common, accounting for about 12% of all crashes. Stop sign violation crashes were classified into several subtypes - driver stopped, driver did not stop, snow/wet/ice, and other/unknown. In about two-thirds of stop sign violation crashes, drivers said they had first come to a stop. In these cases, inability or failure to see approaching traffic often was cited as the cause of the crash. Drivers younger than 18 as well as drivers 65 and older were disproportionately found to be at fault in crashes at stop signs. IMPACT ON INDUSTRY: Potential countermeasures include changing traffic control and intersection design, improving intersection sight distance, and increasing conspicuity of stop signs through supplemental pavement markings and other devices.

Toll road crashes of commercial and passenger motor vehicles.

Revenue-collection data from toll roads allow for accurate estimates of miles driven by vehicle type and, when combined with crash data, valid estimates of crash involvements per mile driven. Data on vehicle-miles traveled and collisions were obtained from toll road authorities in Florida. Kansas, and New York. In addition, state crash files and published vehicle-miles of travel were obtained for toll roads in Illinois. Indiana, Ohio, and Pennsylvania. Large commercial motor vehicles were significantly underinvolved in single-vehicle crashes on all state toll roads. In five states, commercial motor vehicles were significantly overinvolved in multiple-vehicle crashes relative to passenger vehicles; the exceptions were Kansas, where they had significantly lower multiple-vehicle involvement rates, and Indiana. where there were no significant differences in multiple-vehicle involvements by vehicle type. The risk of commercial motor vehicle involvement in multiple-vehicle crashes resulting in deaths or serious injuries was double that of passenger vehicles in the two states (Ohio and Pennsylvania) that identified serious injuries. Whether crash rates, on toll roads of commercial motor vehicles are higher or lower than those of passenger vehicles appears to depend on the type of crash, specific toll road. and traffic density.