Imitation and the emergence of segments.

The paper argues that the discrete phonetic segments on which language is raised are subjective gestural structures that emerge ontogenetically (and perhaps emerged evolutionarily) from the process of imitating a quasi-continuous acoustic signal with a neuroanatomically segmented and somatotopically organized vocal machinery. Evidence cited for somatotopic organization includes the perceptual salience in the speech signal of information specifying place of articulation, as revealed both by sine wave speech and by the pattern of errors in children's early words.

Speech perception deficits in poor readers: a reply to Denenberg's critique.

We reply to Denenberg's (1999) recent critique of our work (Mody, Studdert-Kennedy, & Brady, 1997). Denenberg mounted two main lines of criticism, one concerning characteristics of the population sampled for the experimental group, and the other a statistical critique, concerning (a) violation of parametric assumptions for use of the F distribution and (b) our supposed acceptance of the null hypothesis of no differences between experimental and control groups. We show that the first criticism stemmed from a misunderstanding of the experimental hypothesis and that the second can be answered by both parametric and nonparametric comparisons across conditions within the experimental group, without reference to the control group. Thus, our original conclusion stands: The difficulty with rapid /ba/-/da/ discrimination that some children with reading impairment may experience does not stem from difficulty in discriminating the rapid spectral transitions at stop-vowel syllable onsets.

Speech perception deficits in poor readers: auditory processing or phonological coding?

Poor readers are inferior to normal-reading peers in aspects of speech perception. Two hypotheses have been proposed to account for their deficits: (i) a speech-specific failure in phonological representation and (ii) a general deficit in auditory "temporal processing," such that they cannot easily perceive the rapid spectral changes of formant transitions at the onset of stop-vowel syllables. To test these hypotheses, two groups of second-grade children (20 "good readers," 20 "poor readers"), matched for age and intelligence, were selected to differ significantly on a /ba/-/da/ temporal order judgment (TOJ) task, said to be diagnostic of a temporal processing deficit. Three experiments then showed that the groups did not differ in: (i) TOJ when /ba/ and /da/ were paired with more easily discriminated syllables (/ba/-/sa/, /da/-/fa/); (ii) discriminating nonspeech sine wave analogs of the second and third formants of /ba/ and /da/; (iii) sensitivity to brief transitional cues varying along a synthetic speech continuum. Thus, poor readers' difficulties with /ba/-/da/ reflected perceptual confusion between phonetically similar, though phonologically contrastive, syllables rather than difficulty in perceiving rapid spectral changes. The results are consistent with a speech-specific, not a general auditory, deficit.

How children learn to organize their speech gestures: further evidence from fricative-vowel syllables.

Previous studies with fricative-vowel (FV) syllables have shown that the difference in overall spectrum between fricatives is less in children's speech than in that of adults, but that fricative noises show greater differences in the region of the second formant (F2) as a function of the upcoming vowel than those of adults at corresponding points in the fricative. These results have been interpreted as evidence that children produce fricatives that are not spatially differentiated as those of adults and that children initiate vowel gestures earlier during syllable production than adults do (Nittrouer, Studdert-Kennedy, & McGowan, 1989). The goals of the present study were (a) to replicate the previous age-related difference for F2 with FV syllables; (b) to test the alternative interpretation that age-related differences in fricative f2 reflect age-related differences in vocal-tract geometry; (c) to determine whether age-related differences in F2 (and so, by inference, in articulatory organization) might extend beyond the syllable boundaries, perhaps into the schwa of a preceding unstressed syllable; and (d) determine if gestures other than fricative gestures show less spatial differentiation in children's than in adults' speech. To these ends, F2 frequencies were measured in schwa-fricative-vowel utterances (consisting of the fricatives /s/ and [symbol:see text] and of the vowels /i/ and /a/) from 40 speakers (10 each of the ages of 3, 5, 7 years, and adults) at three locations (for the entire schwa, for 10 ms of fricative noise centered at 30 ms before voicing onset, and 10 pitch periods from vocalic center). Results of several analyses supported four conclusions: (a) the earlier finding was replicated; (b) age-related differences in vocal-tract geometry could not explain the age-related difference in vowel effects on fricative noise; (c) children master intersyllabic gestural organization prior to intrasyllabic gestural organization; and (d) unlike fricative gestures, children's vowel gestures are more spatially distinct than those of adults.

The role of fundamental frequency in signaling linguistic stress and affect: evidence for a dissociation.

The fundamental frequency (F0) of the voice is used to convey information about both linguistic and affective distinctions. However, no research has directly investigated how these two types of distinctions are simultaneously encoded in speech production. This study provides evidence that F0 prominences intended to convey linguistic or affective distinctions can be differentiated by their influence on the amount of final-syllable F0 rise used to signal a question. Specifically, a trading relation obtains when the F0 prominence is used to convey emphatic stress. That is, the amount of final-syllable F0 rise decreases as the F0 prominence increases. When the F0 prominence is used to convey affect, no trading relation is observed.

Auditory temporal perception deficits in the reading-impaired: A critical review of the evidence.

We assess evidence and arguments brought forward by Tallal (e.g., 1980) and by the target paper (Farmer & Klein, 1995) for a general deficit in auditory temporal perception as the source of phonological deficits in impaired readers. We argue that (1) errors in temporal order judgment of both syllables and tones reflect difficulty in identifying similar (and so readily confusable) stimuli rapidly, not in judging their temporal order; (2) difficulty in identifying similar syllables or tones rapidly stem from independent deficits in speech and nonspeech discriminative capacity, not from a general deficit in rate of auditory perception; and (3) the results of dichotic experiments and studies of aphasics purporting to demonstrate left-hemisphere specialization for nonspeech auditory temporal perception are inconclusive. The paper supports its arguments with data from a recent control study. We conclude that, on the available evidence, the phonological deficit of impaired readers cannot be traced to any co-occurring nonspeech deficits so far observed and is phonetic in origin, but that its full nature, origin, and extent remain to be determined.

Acoustic evidence for the development of gestural coordination in the speech of 2-year-olds: a longitudinal study.

Studies of child phonology have often assumed that young children first master a repertoire of phonemes and then build their lexicon by forming combinations of these abstract, contrastive units. However, evidence from children's systematic errors suggests that children first build a repertoire of words as integral sequences of gestures and then gradually differentiate these sequences into their gestural and segmental components. Recently, experimental support for this position has been found in the acoustic records of the speech of 3-, 5-, and 7-year-old children, suggesting that even in older children some phonemes have not yet fully segregated as units of gestural organization and control. The present longitudinal study extends this work to younger children (22- and 32-month-olds). Results demonstrate clear differences in the duration and coordination of gestures between children and adults, and a clear shift toward the patterns of adult speakers during roughly the third year of life. Details of the child-adult differences and developmental changes vary from one aspect of an utterance to another.

Discovering phonetic coherence in acoustic patterns.

Despite spectral and temporal discontinuities in the speech signal, listeners normally report coherent phonetic patterns corresponding to the phonemes of a language that they know. What is the basis for the internal coherence of phonetic segments? According to one account, listeners achieve coherence by extracting and integrating discrete cues; according to another, coherence arises automatically from general principles of auditory form perception; according to a third, listeners perceive speech patterns as coherent because they are the acoustic consequences of coordinated articulatory gestures in a familiar language. We tested these accounts in three experiments by training listeners to hear a continuum of three-tone, modulated sine wave patterns, modeled after a minimal pair contrast between three-formant synthetic speech syllables, either as distorted speech signals carrying a phonetic contrast (speech listeners) or as distorted musical chords carrying a nonspeech auditory contrast (music listeners). The music listeners could neither integrate the sine wave patterns nor perceive their auditory coherence to arrive at consistent, categorical percepts, whereas the speech listeners judged the patterns as speech almost as reliably as the synthetic syllables on which they were modeled. The outcome is consistent with the hypothesis that listeners perceive the phonetic coherence of a speech signal by recognizing acoustic patterns that reflect the coordinated articulatory gestures from which they arose.

The emergence of phonetic segments: evidence from the spectral structure of fricative-vowel syllables spoken by children and adults.

A variety of evidence, including the speech errors of normal and aphasic speakers, and the metalinguistic skills of literate individuals, demonstrates that speech has an underlying phonemic organization. However, we know little about how this organization develops in the child. The purpose of the present study was to test the hypothesis that phoneme-sized phonetic segments emerge as functional units of perceptuomotor control from the child's gradual reorganization of the gestures forming its early words or syllables. We investigated the acoustic structure of syllables produced by young children and adults. Fricative-vowel syllables spoken by 40 subjects (eight adults and eight children at each of the ages 3, 4, 5, and 7 years) were analyzed acoustically to determine how well different syllables-initial fricatives were contrasted and how strongly they were affected by vocalic context. Results indicated two independent developmental trends: The extent to which speakers differentiated between /integral of/ and /s/ increased with age, while the extent to which they coarticulated each fricative with its following vowel decreased. The results support the hypothesis that children initially organize their speech gestures over a domain at least the size of the syllable and only gradually differentiate the syllable into patterns of gestures more closely aligned with its perceived segmental components.

The role of coarticulatory effects in the perception of fricatives by children and adults.

Adult listeners are sensitive to the acoustic variations that result from a speaker's coarticulation (or coproduction) of phonetic segments. The present study charted the development of such sensitivity in young children by examining their responses to coarticulatory effects in fricative-vowel syllables. Children, at each of the ages 3, 4, 5, and 7 years, and adults identified tokens from a synthetic /sh/-/s/ continuum followed by one of four natural vocalic portions: /i/ and /u/, produced with transitions appropriate for either /sh/ or /s/. Children demonstrated larger shifts in fricative phoneme boundaries as a function of vocalic transition than did adults, but relatively smaller shifts as a function of vowel quality. Responses were less consistent for children than for adults, and differences between children and adults decreased as children increased in age. Overall, these results indicate that perceptual sensitivity to certain coarticulatory effects is present at as young as 3 years of age. Moreover, the decrease in the sensitivity to vocalic transitions with age suggests that, contrary to a commonly held view, the perceptual organization of speech may become more rather than less segmental as the child develops.

The stop-glide distinction: acoustic analysis and perceptual effect of variation in syllable amplitude envelope for initial /b/ and /w/.

Amplitude change at consonantal release has been proposed as an invariant acoustic property distinguishing between the classes of stops and glides [Mack and Blumstein, J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 73, 1739-1750 (1983)]. Following procedures of Mack and Blumstein, we measured the amplitude change in the vicinity of the consonantal release for two speakers. The results for one speaker matched those of Mack and Blumstein, while those for the second speaker showed some differences. In a subsequent experiment, we tested the hypothesis that a difference in amplitude change serves as an invariant perceptual cue for distinguishing between continuants and noncontinuants, and more specifically, as a critical cue for identifying stops and glides [Shinn and Blumstein, J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 75, 1243-1252 (1984)]. Interchanging the amplitude envelopes of natural /bV/ and /wV/ syllables containing the same vowel had little effect on perception: 97% of all syllables were identified as originally produced. Thus, although amplitude change in the vicinity of consonantal release may distinguish acoustically between stops and glides with some consistency, the change is not fully invariant, and certainly does not seem to be a critical perceptual cue in natural speech.

Extending formant transitions may not improve aphasics' perception of stop consonant place of articulation.

Synthetic speech stimuli were used to investigate whether aphasics' ability to perceive stop consonant place of articulation was enhanced by the extension of initial formant transitions in CV syllables. Phoneme identification and discrimination tests were administered to 12 aphasic patients, 5 fluent and 7 nonfluent. There were no significant differences in performance due to the extended transitions, and no systematic pattern of performance due to aphasia type. In both groups, discrimination was generally high and significantly better than identification, demonstrating that auditory capacity was retained, while phonetic perception was impaired; this result is consistent with repeated demonstrations that auditory and phonetic processes may be dissociated in normal listeners. Moreover, significant rank order correlations between performances on the Token Test and on both perceptual tasks suggest that impairment on these tests may reflect a general cognitive rather than a language-specific deficit.

Functional precursors to language and its lateralization.

An adequate account of language evolution must reconcile the propositions that language is unique but has precursors. The paper of Bellman and Goldberg and that of Tzeng and Wang each neglects one of these propositions. We suggest that the uniqueness of language lies primarily in its dualistic structure which has a frame-content mode of organization: at the phonological level, consonant and vowel elements are inserted into syllabic frames; and at the morphological level, stem forms of content words are inserted into syntactic frames. We suggest that the morphological level evolved from the phonological level and that the frame-content mode of organization in phonology had a precursor in the form of bimanual coordination in which the nonpreferred (frame) hand holds an object operated on by the preferred hand (content). It is argued that lateralization of cortical function evolved first for bimanual coordination, then for language. Old World monkey hand preferences may be consistent with both the putative left-hemisphere specialization for bimanual coordination and the human right-hemisphere specialization for spatial functions.

Perception of static and dynamic acoustic cues to place of articulation in initial stop consonants.

Two recent accounts of the acoustic cues which specify place of articulation in syllable-initial stop consonants claim that they are located in the initial portions of the CV waveform and are context-free. Stevens and Blumstein [J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 64, 1358-1368 (1978)] have described the perceptually relevant spectral properties of these cues as static, while Kewley-Port [J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 73, 322-335 (1983)] describes these cues as dynamic. Three perceptual experiments were conducted to test predictions derived from these accounts. Experiment 1 confirmed that acoustic cues for place of articulation are located in the initial 20-40 ms of natural stop-vowel syllables. Next, short synthetic CV's modeled after natural syllables were generated using either a digital, parallel-resonance synthesizer in experiment 2 or linear prediction synthesis in experiment 3. One set of synthetic stimuli preserved the static spectral properties proposed by Stevens and Blumstein. Another set of synthetic stimuli preserved the dynamic properties suggested by Kewley-Port. Listeners in both experiments identified place of articulation significantly better from stimuli which preserved dynamic acoustic properties than from those based on static onset spectra. Evidently, the dynamic structure of the initial stop-vowel articulatory gesture can be preserved in context-free acoustic cues which listeners use to identify place of articulation.

Infant intermodal speech perception is a left-hemisphere function.

Prelinguistic infants recognized structural correspondences in acoustic and optic properties of synchronized, naturally spoken disyllables, but did so only when they were looking to their right sides. This result suggests that intermodal speech perception is facilitated by rightward orientation of attention and subserved by the left hemisphere.

On learning to speak.

Every language, spoken or signed, deploys a large lexicon, made possible by permutation and combination of a small set of linguistic elements. In speech, rapid interleaving of the gestures that form these elements (consonants and vowels) leads to a complex acoustic signal in which the boundaries between elements are lost. However, for the child learning to speak, the initial task is not to recover these elements, but simply to imitate the sound pattern that it hears. Studies of "lipreading" in adults and infants suggest that imitation is mediated by an amodal representation, closely related to the dynamics of articulation, and that a left-hemisphere perceptuo-motor mechanism specialized to make use of this representation develops during the first six months of life. By drawing on this specialized mechanism, the infant learns the recurrent patterns of acoustic structure and articulatory gesture from which linguistic segments must be presumed to emerge.