Honor in the Wild : Virtuous Violence between the Hobbesian Trap and Social Order.

"Culture of honor" means that individuals deter others by signaling their commitment to violent retaliation. We develop a multilevel explanation of cross-level interdependence of honor and violence. According to our concept of system-level honor, a social system is loaded with deterrence signaling if culture of honor is highly prevalent in the system. In line with the Smith and Price (1973, in Nature, https://www.nature.com/articles/246015a0 ) model, we argue that high system-level honor discourages Prober-Retaliator behavior: some individuals might tend to challenge others they assume to be inferior to increase their own reputation. Both individual culture of honor and system-level honor contribute to an increase in violence (H1; H2). However, as system-level honor and deterrence become more prevalent, the impact of individual honor diminishes because engaging in violent behavior becomes increasingly expensive within such a system (H3). As a second contextual effect, inequality in culture of honor should therefore increase violent behavior because it encourages Prober-Retaliator behavior (H4). We analyze the effect of culture of honor on school violence among 15-year-old adolescents. Disentangling the micro- and context-level effects of culture of honor on violent behavior in a multilevel analysis framework allows the estimation of a cross-level interaction using a large data set from more than 25,000 adolescents in more than 1,300 schoolroom contexts. Results are in line with our H3, but not with H4. Model-based predictions show that the deterrent effect must be unrealistically high to generate an equilibrium of average violence.

Spatial segregation of families with migrant background in the high-status City of Munich: How strong is the effect of socio-economic status?

Ethnic residential segregation can result from preferential choices or from market forces. Depending on whether it evolved voluntarily or forcibly, segregation can have differential effects on immigrant integration. Using the example of Munich as a major German city, we examine the unequal spatial distribution of migrants and non-migrants. Following an approach proposed by Frank Kalter we calculate indices of residential segregation, which are adjusted for differences in socio-economic status. Results show that almost 14 percent of the residential segregation of immigrants can be attributed to socio-economic restrictions. This finding suggests that factors related to immigration and, possibly, also ethnic boundaries are determinants of the unequal spatial distribution also in high-status cities such as Munich.

The dynamics of intergenerational closure and family networks of social cohesion.

We investigate the correlation of ties among school-children's parents with violence in schools, and two mechanisms of intergenerational closure (IC). Coleman described ties among parents of befriended children as IC. Until now, IC indicated social capital in schools and neighborhoods, but existing evidence is rather ambiguous and does not utilize network data. According to "top-down." IC, children establish network ties because of the acquaintance among their parents. "Bottom-up" IC implies that children make friends first and then their parents get involved. We use longitudinal social network data from k = 10 school classes and N = 238 adolescents and disentangle the two different dynamics of IC by applying Bayesian stochastic actor-oriented models (SAOMs) for network evolution. SAOMs show positive "top-down" and "bottom-up" effects on IC, with the latter being considerably stronger.

Moving for Diversity or Moving for the Kids? The Micro-Dynamics of Residential Relocations During Family Formation of Immigrants and Natives.

Family formation is a crucial event in the life course and generates a major part of residential relocations. After family formation, neighborhoods become re-evaluated, now as contexts for children's development and socialization. We argue that the perceived or assumed quality of schools and neighborhoods is an important condition of choosing a destination. However, as the literature on "ethnic colonies" and immigrant-native residential segregation suggests, immigrants differ from natives in their neighborhood preferences and relocation patterns. If relocations of migrant and native families to particular destinations do indeed occur basically during family formation and family enhancement, and if they are at the same time outcomes of different preferences, the micro-dynamics of young families' adaptation of housing conditions might have a considerable impact on segregation. Results of our ordered Heckman probit and event history models show that on the one hand, immigrants and natives tend to different evaluations of characteristics in their neighborhoods. Particularly respondents of Turkish, Arabic or African origin highly appreciate living nearby a house of worship and also with many Non-Germans. On the other hand, our analysis of how these evaluations transform into residential relocations did not show any differences between immigrants and natives. Results thus suggest that evaluations or preferences during family formation do not trigger relocations which result in "ethnic colonies" at the macro level.

The "Social Brain," Reciprocity, and Social Network Segregation along Ethnic Boundaries.

How does segregation along ethnic boundaries emerge in social networks? Human evolution resulted in highly social beings, capable of prosociality, mindreading, and self-control, which are important aspects of the "social brain." Our neurophysiologically "wired" social cognition implies different cognitive goal frames. In line with recent developments in behavioral theory, the present study defines network ties as episodes of social exchange. This dynamic definition can account for shifts in goal frames during an exchange episode: whereas deliberate choice and hedonic or gain goals drive the initiation of a tie, given the opportunity structure, the normative goal frame activates a strong dynamic effect of reciprocity, which limits actors' choice set and appears as "self-organization" at the network level. Longitudinal analyses of 18 birthday party networks comprising 501 students support the definition of network ties as exchange episodes, as well as the relevance of humans' inherent tendency to reciprocate. However, reciprocation is much stronger in dyads of the same ethnicity than in dyads of different ethnicities. Network segregation along ethnic boundaries results from deliberate decisions during the initiation of an episode, but also from different commitments to reciprocity during the ongoing exchange process, depending on intra or interethnic dyadic constellations.

Child maltreatment, revictimization, and violent behavior.

The study investigates the cumulative impact of child maltreatment and victimization in adolescence on violent behavior in young adulthood in a nonclinical high-risk sample. The sample consists of 1,526 incarcerated young men (14 to 24 years) who were interviewed with standardized instruments during their prison term. Violent and nonviolent offenders with and without repeated victimization experiences throughout the life cycle were compared. Results show that child maltreatment doubles the risk for violent victimization in adolescence. Repeated victimization experiences in adolescence heighten the risk for later violent offending. This is the case for officially registered violence and self-reported violent behavior. In addition, child maltreatment increased the probability of self-reported violence as well. However, the interaction effect of victimization in childhood and victimization in early adolescence counteracted the main effects. Being repeatedly victimized throughout the early life cycle slightly reduced the probability of being a frequent offender.