Dimensions of holistic thinking: Implications for nonsocial information processing across cultures.

Representatives of Asian and Western countries often differ in terms of both their social orientation (e.g., collectivism vs. individualism) and their thinking style (holistic vs. analytic). The disposition to think of oneself in relation to others or to the collective to which one belongs appears similar to a more general holistic thinking style (the disposition to think of elements of a stimulus in relation to one another or their context), suggesting that they may have similar roots. Nevertheless, the low correlations among measures of these characteristics (e.g., Na et al., 2010) indicate that holistic thinking might be multidimensional. To obtain a clearer picture of this multidimensionality, we constructed a procedure that could be used both to assess and to induce three different styles of cognitive processing that reflect different aspects of holistic thinking: specifically, the tendencies (a) to respond to the configuration of a stimulus as a whole without regard to the elements that compose it, (b) to think about stimulus elements in relation to their context, and (c) to think about stimulus elements in relation to one another. Indian, Hong Kong Chinese, North American, and British participants differed in their tendency to use these types of thinking. Moreover, priming these different styles of holistic thinking experimentally affected the performance of only those cognitive tasks that required these thinking styles. Finally, although cultural groups differed spontaneously in their performance of tasks to which different types of holistic thinking were relevant, experimentally inducing these thinking styles eliminated these between-culture differences in performance. Such differences were generally unrelated to measures of social orientation typically used to distinguish representatives of Western and Asian countries. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved).

The role of goal-generalization processes in the effects of grounded procedures.

This commentary provides an interpretation of the effects of grounded procedures in terms of the goal-generalization processes involved in coping with negative feelings and identifies some implications that might not yet have been considered.

The friend number paradox.

We identify a friend number paradox, that is, a mismatch between people's preferences for the friends they might acquire in social interactions and their predictions of others' preferences. People predict that others are attracted to them if they have a relatively large number of friends. However, they personally prefer to make friends with someone who has a relatively small number of friends. People regard a large number of friends as a signal of social capital that increases their interpersonal attractiveness. However, it can actually be a signal of social liabilities that diminish their ability to reciprocate obligations to others. We conducted a series of studies, including 3 speed-friending studies in which participants either engaged or expected to engage in actual interactions for the purpose of initiating long-term friendships. These studies provide converging evidence of the hypothesized mismatch and our conceptualization of its determinants. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2021 APA, all rights reserved).

"Will you?" versus "can you?": Verbal framing moderates the effect of feelings of power on consumers' reactions to waiting.

Having to wait for service or the delivery of a product is often unavoidable. At the same time, it is unpleasant and can decrease consumers' satisfaction with the consumption experience and their willingness to patronize the service provider in the future. How does a service provider unwittingly influence these negative reactions? We found that subtle differences in how a request to wait is phrased can have quite different effects, depending on consumers' feelings of social power. Consumers who are asked, "Will you wait?" infer that a positive response to the question would constitute a restriction on their freedom. In this case high-power consumers, who are more resistant to the restriction, are less likely to wait than their low-power counterparts. In contrast, consumers interpret "Can you wait?" as asking whether they have the ability to exercise self-control. In this case, high-power consumers, who perceive themselves to be better at self-control, are more willing to wait in order to demonstrate this control than their low-power counterparts are. Five studies provide converging evidence of these differences and the processes that underlie them. The effects generalize over different operationalizations of power and are evident in actual waiting behavior and in situations outside the laboratory. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2021 APA, all rights reserved).

So difficult to smile: Why unhappy people avoid enjoyable activities.

Engaging in an enjoyable activity is often effective in reducing or eliminating a negative mood. However, imagining this activity before deciding whether to perform it can decrease unhappy people's willingness to engage in it. The facial expression that accompanies a negative mood (and the muscles activated by the expression) can conflict with the expression that is elicited by imagining the performance of an enjoyable activity, evoking subjective feelings of difficulty of imagining it. Unhappy people misattribute these feelings of difficulty to the enjoyable activity itself, decreasing their desire to engage in the activity. The effects of metacognitive difficulty are eliminated when (a) unhappy people attribute difficulty to something other than the enjoyable activity and (b) focus their attention on the outcome of the activity rather than the process of engaging in it. Moreover, when an irrelevant factor activates smile-related features while performing the activity, the experience of difficulty is attenuated and its effect on aversion to the activity is not apparent. In contrast, unhappy people also find it easy to imagine an unenjoyable activity and consequently evaluate it more favorably after imagining it. Seven studies demonstrated the role of these metacognitive experiences and their implications for research on affect regulation. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2020 APA, all rights reserved).

The role of categorization and scale endpoint comparisons in numerical information processing: A two-process model.

We propose a two-process conceptualization of numerical information processing to describe how people form impressions of a score that is described along a bounded scale. According to the model, people spontaneously categorize a score as high or low. Furthermore, they compare the numerical discrepancy between the score and the endpoint of the scale to which it is closer, if they are not confident of their categorization, and use implications of this comparison as a basis for judgment. As a result, their evaluation of the score is less extreme when the range of numbers along the scale is large (e.g., from 0 to 100) than when it is small (from 0 to 10). Six experiments support this two-process model and demonstrate its generalizability. Specifically, the magnitude of numbers composing the scale has less impact on judgments (a) when the score being evaluated is extreme, (b) when individuals are unmotivated to engage in endpoint comparison processes (i.e., they are low in need for cognition), and (c) when they are unable to do so (i.e., they are under cognitive load). Moreover, the endpoint to which individuals compare the score can depend on their regulatory focus. (PsycINFO Database Record

Looking Forward and Looking Back: The Likelihood of an Event's Future Reoccurrence Affects Perceptions of the Time It Occurred in the Past.

Past events are perceived to be temporally more distant when they are unlikely rather than likely to reoccur in the future. This can be because (a) future events that are unlikely to occur are perceived to be temporally remote and (b) these feelings of remoteness can generalize and influence subjective distance judgments of the events' occurrences in the past. Six studies confirmed this effect and provided insights into the processes that underlie it. Alternative interpretations and implications of the current findings are discussed.

Mental traveling along psychological distances: The effects of cultural syndromes, perspective flexibility, and construal level.

Individuals' psychological distance from the stimuli they encounter in daily life can influence the abstractness or generality of the mental representations they form of these stimuli. However, these representations can also depend on the perspective from which the stimuli are construed. When individuals have either an individualistic social orientation or a short-term temporal orientation, they construe psychologically distal events more globally than they construe proximal ones, as implied by construal level theory (Trope & Liberman, 2010). When they have either a collectivistic social orientation or a long-term temporal orientation, however, they not only construe the implications of distal events more concretely than individuals with an egocentric perspective but also construe the implications of proximal events in more abstract terms. These effects are mediated by the flexibility of the perspectives that people take when they make judgments. Differences in perspective flexibility account for the impact of both situationally induced differences in social and temporal orientation and more chronic cultural differences in these orientations. (PsycINFO Database Record

The interactive effects of affect and shopping goal on information search and product evaluations.

Although shoppers often want to evaluate products to make a purchase decision, they can also shop for enjoyment. In each case, the amount of time they spend on shopping and the number of options they consider can depend on the mood they happen to be in. We predicted that mood can signal whether the goal has been attained and when people should stop processing information. When people are primarily motivated to purchase a particular type of product, positive mood signals that they have done enough. Thus, they consider less information if they are happy than if they are unhappy. When people shop for enjoyment, however, positive mood signals that they are still having fun. Thus, they consider more information when they are happy than when they are not. Four experiments among university students (N = 827) examined these possibilities. Experiment 1 provided initial evidence for the interactive effects of mood and goals on search behavior and product evaluation. Other studies examined the implications of this conceptualization for different domains: (a) the relative impact of brand and attribute information on judgments (Experiment 2), (b) gender differences in shopping behavior (Experiment 3), and (c) the number of options that people review in an actual online shopping website (Experiment 4).

Hunger promotes acquisition of nonfood objects.

Hunger motivates people to consume food, for which finding and acquiring food is a prerequisite. We test whether the acquisition component spills over to nonfood objects: Are hungry people more likely to acquire objects that cannot satisfy their hunger? Five laboratory and field studies show that hunger increases the accessibility of acquisition-related concepts and the intention to acquire not only food but also nonfood objects. Moreover, people act on this intention and acquire more nonfood objects (e.g., binder clips) when they are hungry, both when these items are freely available and when they must be paid for. However, hunger does not influence how much they like nonfood objects. We conclude that a basic biologically based motivation can affect substantively unrelated behaviors that cannot satisfy the motivation. This presumably occurs because hunger renders acquisition-related concepts and behaviors more accessible, which influences decisions in situations to which they can be applied.

Actors conform, observers react: the effects of behavioral synchrony on conformity.

Engaging in synchronous behavior can induce a more general disposition to copy others, which increases the tendency to conform to others' preferences in an unrelated choice situation. In contrast, observing others perform synchronous behavior can induce psychological reactance and decrease conformity to others' preferences. Five experiments confirmed these different effects and circumscribed the conditions in which they occurred. Actors typically focus their attention on the goal to which their synchronous behavior is directed, inducing a copying-others mindset that generalizes to later situations. In contrast, observers focus on the actors' behavior independently of the goal to which it pertains. Consequently, they become sensitive to the restrictions on freedom that synchronous behavior requires and experience reactance. However, changing the relative attention that actors and observers pay to these factors can reverse the effects of the actors' synchronous behavior on conformity.

Priming thoughts about extravagance: implications for consumer decisions about luxury products.

If a semantic concept is accessible in memory, it can direct attention to the attributes of a target that exemplify this concept. When these attributes have both affective and utilitarian implications that are evaluatively opposite, the relative impact of these different implications depends on an individual's ability and motivation to expend the cognitive effort required to evaluate them. These assumptions were confirmed in six experiments on the impact of priming the concept of extravagance on attention to a product's luxury-related features and consequent reactions to it. Priming this concept decreased the choice of a luxury product if participants were both motivated and able to construe the utilitarian implications of the product's extravagance-related features. When participants were either distracted from deliberating on their choices or were asked to recommend a product to others, however, priming extravagance led them to base their judgments on the affective reactions that the features spontaneously elicited and consequently increased their choice of the product.

Effects of self-relevant perspective-taking on the impact of persuasive appeals.

Donation appeals often describe the situations that confront victims of misfortune and advertisements for consumer products often show people using the products being promoted. When people consider these messages from the perspective of the individuals described in them, they often imagine the reactions they would have if they personally experienced the situation described. When this occurs, they are likely to be influenced by the messages independently of the protagonists' characteristics. When recipients' attention is drawn to themselves, however, they compare themselves with the protagonists to determine whether the protagonists' actions or the situation described in the message have implications for their own behavior. This self-focused attention increases the impact of the message when they are similar to the protagonists, decreases its impact when they are moderately dissimilar, and has no effect at all when they are very dissimilar to the protagonists. Two experiments, in which participants' self-focused attention, the type of persuasive appeal (self-referential vs. impersonal), and protagonist-participant similarity were independently manipulated, confirmed these effects on the impact of both (a) an appeal for monetary donations to a charity and (b) a commercial advertisement.

The illusion of saving face: how people symbolically cope with embarrassment.

People who feel embarrassed are often motivated to avoid social contact--that is, to hide their face. At the same time, they may be motivated to restore the positive image that has been tarnished by the embarrassing event (or, in other words, to restore the face lost in the event). Individuals can symbolically employ these coping strategies by choosing commercial products that literally either hide their face (e.g., sunglasses) or repair it (e.g., restorative cosmetics). However, the two coping strategies have different consequences. Although symbolically repairing one's face eliminates aversive feelings of embarrassment and restores one's willingness to engage in social activities, symbolically hiding one's face has little impact.

Cross-cultural differences in the refusal to accept a small gift: the differential influence of reciprocity norms on Asians and North Americans.

Asians are more likely than North Americans to refuse a small gift that is offered to them by a casual acquaintance. Five experiments confirmed this difference and explored the reasons for its occurrence. Asians, who are inclined to think of themselves in relation to others, are more likely than North Americans to invoke a reciprocity norm in exchanging gifts with casual acquaintances, and they refuse a gift in order to avoid the feeling of indebtedness they would experience if they cannot reciprocate. North Americans, however, who are inclined to think of themselves independently of others, are more likely to base their acceptance of the gift on its attractiveness without considering their obligation to reciprocate. These cultural differences are not evident when the gift is offered by a close friend with whom individuals have a communal relationship. Implications of our findings for miscommunication between members of different cultures are discussed.

The comparative mind-set: from animal comparisons to increased purchase intentions.

Stimulating people to state a preference for one of two commercial products can increase their willingness to purchase not only one of these products, but also other products in a totally unrelated domain. However, willingness to make a purchase in a given domain (e.g., computers) can also be increased by asking individuals (a) to indicate which of two stimuli in a different domain (e.g., vacation packages) they dislike more, (b) to compare the relative attractiveness of wild animals, (c) to compare the animals with respect to physical attributes, and (d) to estimate how similar one object is to another. Moreover, the effects generalize to decisions about dating partners, as well as consumer products. In short, making any type of comparative judgment appears likely to give rise to a comparative-judgment mind-set and, therefore, to influence decisions in subsequent situations.

A personalized theory of theory construction.

This article describes my personal approach to theory construction. I liken the construction of a theory to the solution of a mathematical puzzle in which the answer is not in the back of the book. I touch on (a) the development of a theoretical perspective, (b) the identification of a specific problem, and (c) the development of a theory to address the problem. The article concludes with the view that in the last analysis, any approach is likely to be fruitful so long as one persists in its use and does not shift gears whenever the going gets tough.

The role of prototypes in the mental representation of temporally related events.

Four experiments investigated the conditions in which people use a prototypic event sequence to comprehend a situation-specific sequence of events. Results of Experiment 1 confirmed Trafimow and Wyer's (1993) findings that when participants use a prototype (e.g., a cultural script) to comprehend a new sequence of events concerning a hypothetical person, events that are thematically unrelated to the prototype facilitate the recall of prototypic ones. When participants do not employ a prototype, however, thematically unrelated events interfere with the recall of the prototypic ones. These findings establish a criterion for determining whether prototypes are used as a basis for comprehending an event sequence. Experiment 2 showed that the formation and use of a prototype to comprehend a novel event sequence increases with the number of exemplars to which persons have been exposed before the sequence is encountered. However, Experiments 3 and 4 indicated that people often do not use prototypes to interpret sequences of behaviors that they imagine either themselves or a well-known other performing. This is true even though they personally perform the sequence of behaviors on a daily basis and even though a prototypic representation of the event sequence exists in memory.