[Two models of the demographic transition in Latin America]. / Dos modelos de transicion demografica en America Latina.

PIP: Demographic transition in Latin America began in 1930 with a decrease in mortality rates, followed in 1965 by a decrease in birth rates, parallel to an intense process of modernization in the subcontinent's societies and economies. This model of demographic transition follows A. Landry's classic theory, although it shows very different forms in the changes in marriage rates compared to European countries. In the 1980s, a significant decrease in birth rates can be observed in the poorer sectors and the most backward areas in Latin America. This process represents a new model of demographic transition, which could be considered as a "poverty Malthusianism", and can be applied to families who limit births, fearing the great deterioration of their living conditions. (author's)^ieng

[Fertility change in Mexico and the politics of population]. / Cambios de fecundidad en Mexico y politicas de poblacion.

PIP: This introduction to a detailed study of fertility change in Mexico assesses the available fertility data and describes the sources used, traces the beginning and course of the demographic transition in Mexico, and describes the work. Mexico's demographic transition began around 1930 with the acceleration of mortality decline. The considerable time lag between the mortality decline and the beginning of the fertility decline resulted in a period of very rapid growth. Between 1955 and 1975, the growth rate exceeded 3% annually. The start of the fertility decline dated to about 1970, the time of a major reform of population policy and creation of institutions to reduce growth. But the fertility decline was not solely the result of population programs. An incipient fertility decline could be observed in the metropolitan and more educated population sectors beginning in the early 1960s. The onset of the mortality decline in the 1930s resulted from the sustained social and economic progress made possible after the conclusion of the Mexican Revolution. Between 1930 and 1980, the adult illiteracy rate declined from 61.2% to 17%, while life expectancy increased from 33 years to 63.2 years. In Mexico as in other Latin American countries, the mortality decline, which disturbed the traditional balance between high mortality and high fertility, was the force setting off the demographic transition and the necessary precursor to fertility decline. The first of two main sections of the book focuses on examination of fertility variations in Mexico since around 1900 using cross-sectional and longitudinal methods of analysis. The second part describes the origins, history, and institutions involved in Mexico's population policies and the demographic programs and their principal results. The influence of population policies in demographic change is assessed, especially in the case of fertility changes induced by family planning programs. Both the first and second parts sought to place Mexican fertility trends in the context of the demographic transition and to observe the functioning and effects of demographic programs.^ieng

[The demographic transition in Latin America and Europe]. / La transicion demografica en America Latina y en Europe.

PIP: This work describes and analyzes the "European model of demographic transition" and compares it to the fertility transition in Latin America, arguing that two different types of demographic transition coexist in Latin America. Chesnais has defined 3 principal postulates of the theory of demographic transition that he believes are universally valid: the precedence in time of mortality decline; the occurrence of reproductive transition in 2 phases, limitation of marriages followed by limitation of births; and the influence of economic growth on the initiation of the secular fertiilty decline. This work is largely limited to discussion of the first 2 postulates. In all the European transitions analyzed, mortality has declined before the occurrence of fertility changes. Exceptions cited in the literature have probably been caused by omissions or other problems in the data. The level of mortality at the beginning of the transition and the rate of decline differ, giving unique character to each transition. Imbalances resulting from mortality decline are at the root of modern fertility transitions. The French demographic transition was distinguished by early appearance of birth limitation by married couples, as part of the regulation of population growth. In the rest of Europe, during the pretransitional period, the traditional system of reproduction was regulated primarily by control of nuptiality. Only at a second stage was marital fertiity controlled, when limitation of marriage was no longer sufficient or had exceeded the limits of social acceptability. All countries of Northern and Western Europe recorded increased proportions definitively single as the demographic situation began to change, until the moment when couples began to limit births. The demographic transition in Latin America began at the end of the 19th century, with mortality decline. Fertility increased initially in Latin America as it had in Europe and for the same reasons, but the impact was greater in Latin America because of the much more rapid mortality decline. In Latin America, in the face of the fertility increase of the mid-20th century, there was no attempt to control nuptiality, as in traditional European populations, to limit family size. Nuptiality control as a mechanism of demographic regulation was never socially acceptable in Latin America. The beginning of the Latin American transition occurred in urban areas, among more educated women who were over 20 years old at marriage. The fertility transition in these privileged sectors was quite similar to that in Europe. But a second transition has occurred among impoverished women conserving traditional reproductive patterns of early marriage and numerous closely spaced births. Availability of modern contraception among rural and marginal urban women has allowed termination of childbearing, but usually at relatively high levels of fertility. Fertility decline, in this case, does not reflect improvements in living conditions.^ieng

[Population policy in Mexico]. / Politicas de poblacion en Mexico.

PIP: The author reviews the history of population policy in Mexico. Sections are included on antecedents of official population policy; the radical change in orientation since the enactment of the third General Law of Population in 1973; institutional bases of Mexican population policy; the National Family Planning Plan, 1977-1982; and an evaluation of the results of the population policy.^ieng

[From natural to controlled fertility: Mexico, 1950-1980]. / De una fecundidad natural a una controlada: Mexico 1950-1980.

PIP: Mexico's demographic transition was much later and more rapid than the classic transitions of European populations. A careful study of available data sources, especially fertility surveys, allows a detailed understanding of the reproductive process in Mexico, including the nuptiality patterns that influence fertility as well as changes in general and marital fertility. This work assesses the data sources and methods utilized to analyze Mexican fertility in the past, reviews fertility trends before the onset of the transition from about 1940-70, and describes the new reproductive patterns observed since about 1976. Fertility information from the decinnial censuses is not very adequate for measuring fertility levels or trends. Possible estimates based on census information are few and widely scattered in time, and omissions, underregistration, and faulty declarations are common because of the retrospective nature of the census. Census information is highly aggregated so that significant intermediate variables are not easy to assess. But census data are still the only source allowing estimations of fertility levels by areas of residence, administrative entities, and their social and economic characteristics. Mexico's vital statistics are of poor quality, with underregistration and late registration common. Evaluations of the Mexican Fertility Survey (EMF) of 1976-77 indicate that it provides more reliable estimates than the vital statistics or the census. The EMF and the National Demographic Survey (END) of 1982 indicate that the total fertility rate fell by 30.3% between 1974-80, from 6.27 to 4.37. Both the EMF and the END were national level surveys which collected complete fertility histories thus providing longitudinal information on the marital and fertility histories of women aged 15-49. This work uses primarily data from the EMF and END to analyze the period of fertility increase between 1940-60, the period of highest fertility between 1950-70, and the transition from a natural fertility regime to one of fertility control after 1970. The analysis contains 2 major parts, 1 presenting a study of general fertility including age specific rates for generations and periods, final family size of women terminating their childbearing, and the calendar of fertility for women still of fertile age. The 2nd major section focuses on marital fertility using the same indicators but taking into account the relationships between nuptiality and fertility. Comparisons are included between fertility levels based on the major surveys and those implied by the census and vital statistics data.^ieng

[Problems of population in Mexico]. / Problemes de population au Mexique

PIP: This analysis of Mexican population development shows that the early destructions that took place during the colonial period were followed by growth that became positive about the middle of the eighteenth century. The sanitary policy undertaken in and after 1940 and the improvement of living conditions led to a drop in mortality and a younger population. Although an official family planning program was implemented in 1973, the growth potential of the Mexican population remains considerable. The choice of the present industrialization policy has limited the use of a large labor force, and yet the creation of employment will have to respond to demographic growth, requiring the inclusion of a demographic dimension in economic development policy.^ieng