Speech fluency in bilinguals who stutter: Language proficiency and attentional demands as mediating factors.

PURPOSE: The current study examines how speech disfluencies manifest themselves in the two languages of bilingual persons who stutter, starting from the hypothesis that stuttering is associated with an attentional deficit at the level of speech production. METHODS: Twenty-eight bilingual people who stutter performed a spontaneous and a controlled speech production task, once in their dominant and once in their non-dominant language. The controlled production task (i.e. a network description task) was carried out once under a full-attention condition and once under a divided-attention condition where a non-linguistic, pitch discrimination task was performed simultaneously. RESULTS: In both the spontaneous and the controlled speech task, bilingual persons who stutter produced more (typical and stuttering-like) disfluencies in their L2 than in their L1. Furthermore, whereas the typical disfluencies increased when attention was directed away from speech production, stuttering-like disfluencies decreased. This effect was however restricted to L2. In addition, L2 proficiency was generally found to be a predicting factor, with higher proficiency leading to fewer disfluencies. CONCLUSIONS: These results suggest that speaking in a non-dominant language increases both typical and stuttering-like disfluencies in bilingual persons who stutter, but also that these two types of dysfluencies differ regarding their attentional origins. Our findings offer further support for attentional accounts of stuttering and have both theoretical and clinical implications.

Domain-specific reorganization of semantic processing after extensive damage to the left temporal lobe.

We investigated with fMRI the cortical correlates of recovery of semantic processing in a patient (DL) with left temporal damage. Names of animals, plant, and artifacts (semantic conditions) and reversed words (baseline condition) were auditorily presented to the patient and nine control subjects in a category monitoring task. Data analyses showed large differences between the patterns of domain-specific semantic activation observed in DL and the control subjects, which could be attributed to a cortical reorganization compensating for the damaged part of the semantic processing system in DL. Such reorganization relied on three main mechanisms, first, upholding of a subset of the structurally intact domain-specific regions, second, functional changes (both decreases and increases) of the domain specificity in several structurally intact regions that are normally engaged in the domain-specific network and, third, recruitment of supplementary domain-specific areas. Thus, in DL, animal-specific processing engaged supplementary areas in the left lingual gyrus and right cuneus, which correspond to animal-specific regions usually engaged in more demanding semantic tasks whereas the supplementary areas recruited for artifact-specific processing within the left superior/middle occipital lobe and right angular gyrus probably are endowed with a related but not domain-specific, semantic function. In contrast, no supplementary area contributed to plant-specific processing in DL. These findings suggest that the pattern of cortical reorganization consecutive to damage to the semantic processing network depends on the particular domain-specific function sustained by the damaged areas and the capacity of the remaining areas to assume this function.

Multiple levels of letter representation in written spelling: evidence from a single case of dysgraphia with multiple deficits.

In this paper, we report a detailed analysis of the impaired performance of a dysgraphic individual, AD, who produced similar rates of letter-level errors in written spelling, oral spelling, and typing. We found that the distribution of various letter error types displayed a distinct pattern in written spelling on the one hand and in oral spelling and typing on the other. In particular, noncontextual letter substitution errors (i.e., errors in which the erroneous letter that replaces the target letter does not occur elsewhere within the word) were virtually absent in oral spelling and typing and mainly found in written spelling. In contrast, letter deletion errors and multiple-letter errors were typically found in oral spelling and very exceptional in written spelling. Only contextual letter substitution errors (i.e., errors in which the erroneous letter that replaces the target letter is identical to a letter occurring earlier or later in the word) were found in similar proportions in the three tasks. We argue that these contrasting patterns of letter error distribution result from damage to two distinct levels of letter representation and processing within the spelling system, namely, the amodal graphemic representation held in the graphemic buffer and the letter form representation computed by subsequent writing-specific processes. Then, we examined the relationship between error and target in the letter substitution errors produced in written and oral spelling and found evidence that distinct types of letter representation are processed at each of the hypothetized levels of damage: symbolic letter representation at the graphemic level and representation of the component graphic strokes at the letter form processing level.