ABSTRACT
Drawing on social identity theory and research on digital media and polarization, this study uses a quasi-experimental design with a random sample (n = 3304) to provide causal evidence on perceptions of who is to blame for the initial spread of COVID-19 in India. According blame to three different social and political entities-Tablighi Jamaat (a Muslim group), the Modi government, and migrant workers (a heterogeneous group)-are the dependent variables in three OLS regression models testing the effect of the no-blame treatment, controlling for Facebook use, social identity (religion), vote in the 2019 national election, and other demographics. Results show respondents in the treatment group were more likely to allay blame, affective polarization (dislike for outgroup members) was social identity based, not partisan based, and Facebook/Instagram use was not significant. Congress and United Progressive Alliance voters in 2019 were less likely to blame the Modi government for the initial spread. Unlike extant research in western contexts, affective and political polarization appear to be distinct concepts in India where social identity complexity is important. This study of the first wave informs perceptions of blame in future waves, which are discussed in conclusion along with questions for future research.
ABSTRACT
Resumen En Manizales las Guapas se configuran como un colectivo social porque comparten existencial y políticamente en razón de unos significados comunes que tienen que ver con el ser mujeres trans, ser trabajadoras sexuales, ser pobres, nombrarse de una misma manera, habitar un mismo espacio, concebir el cuerpo como un territorio en transformación, reconocerse como sujetas de derecho que pueden interpelar al Estado, entre otros que se disputan cotidianamente entre ellas mismas y con otros actores sociales e institucionales.
Abstract This article seeks to reconstruct the process of collectivization of transgender women, who engage in sex work on Calle de las Guapas, in Manizales, Colombia. It is concluded that the Guapas are configured as a social collective because they share existentially and politically because of common meanings, which have to do with being transgender women, being sex workers, being poor, by naming themselves in the same way, by inhabiting the same space, by conceiving the body as a changing territory, by recognizing themselves as subjects of law, who can challenge the State, among others, and, who dispute each other, on a daily basis, and with other social and institutional actors.
ABSTRACT
O presente trabalho é parte da pesquisa sobre identidades coletivas e políticas junto às mulheres do movimento denominado Rede de Intercâmbio de MulheresTrabalhadoras Rurais de Minas Gerais. Através da construção histórica de suas reivindicações, identificando o contexto sócio-político e as estratégias políticas individuaise coletivas para a emergência e manutenção do movimento, procuramos compreender, a partir de um olhar da psicologia social e política, os aspectos psicossociais inseridos na trajetória deste movimento e de como estes se relacionam às reivindicações políticas e às conquistas obtidas ao inserir a questão de gênero no debate político. As conquistas, os contextos sócio-políticos e as formas organizativas deste movimento reconfiguram suas identidades coletivas e políticas engendrando novas dinâmicas internas, antagonismos e ações coletivas. Principalmente através da busca por reconhecimento identitário enquanto mulheres trabalhadoras rurais, dando visibilidade aos conflitos de gênero nas lutas agrárias, ampliam a esfera do político e incidem nas políticas públicas. (AU)
The present research is part of a study about collective and political identities among the rural women social movement named Rede de Intercâmbio de MulheresTrabalhadoras Rurais from Minas Gerais. The article intends to investigate the psychosocial aspects of the movement as well as to explain their relationships with political demands, including those related to gender, in the political and public spheres. The study is focused on the historical construction of the rural women workers demands, identifying their social-political contexts as well as the individual and collective political strategies for their emergence and maintenance. The conquests, the social-political contexts and the organizational shapes of this movement reconfigure the women rural workers collective and political identities engendering an internal dynamics, relationships of antagonism and collective actions. They enlarge the sphere of politics and bring aboutthe emergence of a new political identity especially throughout their search for identity recognition as rural workwomen, building visibility to gender conflicts within the social struggles in the rural context. (AU)
