ABSTRACT
The long history of slavery in the USA and Brazil is still evident when looking at the violence which takes place in each country today. In addition, the growing militarization of public management is due to the foreign policy of the USA and the military dictatorship of Brazil which lasted more than 30 years. Facing situations of violence, mainly state-owned, the 1970s were marked by women's resistance and struggle against violence, authoritarianism and lack of citizenship, particularly in Latin America. These social movements represented the distancing of ideology as an engine of social mobilizations, as well as the conversion of collective identity policies into generators of responses. The ability to form a collective identity around the common identification of oppression allowed the development of these new mass movements. From the construction of a collective female identity, intimate and personal aspects gained a central dimension in the identification of oppression, consequently, in the project of personal and social transformation. The agendas of this second wave of the feminist movement encompassed both the struggle for civil rights and the rights of blacks, pacifist, student and decolonization movements. Considering the influence of these new feminist movements on two current social movements, namely "Black Lives Matter" (United States) and "Mães de Maio" (Brazil), I want to understand, in this article, how the guiding meanings of gender, race, sexuality, class and generation, present in the third and fourth waves of feminists, appear in practice, in these two social movements that have the same generative facts as triggers for their constitution.
ABSTRACT
Partindo das discussões sobre trauma colonial e da ideia de sociogenia no pensamento de Frantz Fanon, a noção de sujeito e de subjetividade, produzidas no âmbito de matrizes eurocentradas, são interpeladas, tornando visível e dizível a insuficiência no entendimento dos processos subjetivos que atravessam as diferentes experiências de/em viver enquanto negras/os. A hegemonia branca aparece como o contraponto para compreensão do que podemos chamar de eventos traumáticos nas vidas negras. Faz-se urgente, nas experiências negras, descolonizar o eu e o mundo, conjurando a violência da colonialidade, possibilitando que negras/os se constituam enquanto sujeitos e não mais como a/o outra/o da branquitude.
Grounded on recent discussions about the colonial trauma and on Frantz Fanon's concept of sociogenesis, this paper problematizes the notions of subject and subjectivity as they have been produced by Eurocentric lenses. The aim is to bring these notions to the level of visibility and sayability with a view to highlighting their inability to understand the subjective processes of living while Black. White hegemony is paramount for us to understand what we may call traumatic events in/of Black experiences. I argue for the urgency of decolonizing the I and the world. This can only be done through a critique of colonial violence. Such a critique aims to open affordances for Black people to constitute themselves as subjects own their own rights rather than as the Other of whiteness.
A partir de las discusiones sobre el trauma colonial y de la idea de sociogenia en el pensamiento de Frantz Fanon, se cuestionan la noción de sujeto y subjetividad, producidas en el ámbito de las matrices eurocentradas, haciendo visible y decible la insuficiencia en el entendimiento de los procesos subjetivos que atraviesan las diferentes experiencias de/en vivir como persona negra. La hegemonía blanca aparece como el contrapunto para comprender lo que podemos llamar de eventos traumáticos en las vidas negras. Es urgente, en las experiencias negras, descolonizar el yo y el mundo, conjurando la violencia de la colonialidad, permitiendo que la persona negra se constituya como sujeto y no más como el otro de la blanquitud.