The revolution next door.

This paper explores the cascading influence of revolutionary moments on democracy and inequality, not at home, but across borders. We use data on revolutions and other social upheavals over the past 120 years and examine their cross-national impact on a range of variables in neighboring countries. Engaging with debates on whether substantial democracy and equality increases require extraordinary circumstances, our research investigates whether revolutionary activities induce consequential spillovers, such as policy concessions from elites in neighboring contexts. In exploring spillover effects, the paper examines how significant events in one nation influence social life in adjacent ones. It encompasses an analysis of 171 countries over two centuries, connecting data on revolution with democracy and equality metrics, and hypothesizing that elite fear of revolutionary contagion may necessitate democracy and equality concessions to mitigate potential uprisings. Findings suggest neighboring revolutions positively impact domestic democracy and equality levels. We observe significant increases in an index of democracy and two indices of economic egalitarianism, although one of the egalitarianism measures is robust to all model specifications. Additionally, we find that isolated "protest-led ousters" can moderately increase suffrage and one of our indices of egalitarianism, while coups do not seem to impact democracy or inequality variables. By examining various upheaval types and outcomes across time and space, the study illuminates the causal relationship between global mobilizations and local changes, providing insights into how global events inform domestic outcomes.

[Balancing drug regulation and health democracy: The role of patient and healthcare professional advisors at the ANSM]. / Concilier régulation du médicament et démocratie sanitaire : rôle des conseillers patient ou professionnel de santé à l'ANSM.

The French National Agency for Health Products (ANSM) is a regulatory and public health agency. Its regulatory, health policing and public health protection activities require a perfect fit with the field and the various people involved in the use of health products. Since 2019, the ANSM has adapted its organisation, procedures and processes to encourage and improve interaction with its stakeholders, as part of its policy of openness towards civil society. To accompany this ambitious change and to support its staff, the Agency has recruited advisors corresponding to the main users of health products: prescribers (doctor's hospital and outpatient), pharmacists and patients. Working as a group or individually, they provide a "lived" user perspective on health products at each stage of the evaluation process. They may be involved in the assessment of dossiers, signals or applications received by the Agency, in the internal validation of reports or in discussions with stakeholders. They are particularly involved when the analysis requires expertise that goes beyond the technical, scientific or regulatory aspects. They may also work with ANSM staff to explain certain processes and difficulties in the field. Advisors help to ensure that regulatory and/or scientific expertise is clear and consistent with user experience. In addition to their scientific and therapeutic aspects, medicines are also economic, social and political issues. Their regulation is therefore particularly affected by the need for health democracy. This requires the active participation of health professionals, patients and, more broadly, civil society in the decision-making process. Civil society is a space occupied by a wide range of actors who exert pressure from different ideological positions to influence the regulation of health products. In this context, taking into account a plurality of viewpoints in the regulation of health products is necessary and complex, but its operation can be facilitated by the collective efforts of the actors and the adaptation of organisations, such as the integration of advisors.

Establishing veritocracy: Society, truth and science.

In the west, truth is being eroded by post-modernist ideas such as alternative facts. Once truth is no longer valued it is a short route through nationalistic populism to fascism. To combat this we need to establish the idea of 'veritocracy' as a form of government. A veritocracy is a democracy in which truth is so highly valued that promising to tell the truth will become a central feature of politicians' election manifestos feeding back the idea of veritocracy deeper into national culture. A proper understanding of the nature of science can support the idea of veritocracy. This proper understanding will not repeat the mythology of post-World War II philosophy and history of science, but will begin with the much more socially cognisant revolution in our understanding of science that began in the 1960s and 1970s. Nevertheless, a 'wave three' of science studies will justify science, not as a certainty-maker for policy, but as the way to bet in developing the best understanding of the observable world. The key is that science depends on moral truth in its attempts to develop correspondence truth. Science, like the law, should be a 'check and balance' in pluralist democracies and an object lesson in how to pursue truth in decision-making.

A Hexagonal Aim as a Driver of Change for Health Care and Health Insurance Systems.

Policy Points Improving health systems requires simultaneous pursuit of a patient centered approach aligned with the health professional: improving the experience of care, improving the health of populations, reducing per capita costs of care - Triple Aim - and improving the work life of the care providers - Quadruple Aim -. Reinforcing the recently defined Fifth Aim as equity through "health democracy" to represent the wants, needs and responsibility of the population in taking care of their health and their healthcare. Adding a Sixth Aim to take into account the increased health risks due to climate change. CONTEXT: Improving health systems, such as the U.S. or French, requires simultaneous pursuit of a patient centered approach aligned with the health professional: improving the experience of care, improving the health of populations, reducing per capita costs of care - Triple Aim - and improving the work life of the care providers, including clinicians and staff - Quadruple Aim -. While these aims are already ambitious, they may be insufficient when considering the economic, social and environmental challenges to the health of our communities in the near and long term. METHODS: A conceptual framework to provide additional ethical guardrails for health systems. RESULTS: Recently, authors have articulated a Fifth Aim and we propose to add a Sixth Aim to the Quadruple Aim model. These additional aims are meant to account for our growing knowledge around the determinants of health and the challenging processes and structures of governance across a wide range of sectors in society including healthcare. We are strengthening the Fifth Aim defined as equity through "health democracy" to represent the wants, needs and responsibility of the population in taking care of their health and their healthcare. The Sixth Aim is to account for the increase in risk to population health due to climate change as well as the impact our health systems have on the environment. CONCLUSIONS: As social tension and environmental changes seem to continue to impact the structure of our society this "Hexagonal Aim" taken together might provide additional ethical guiderails as we set our healthcare goals.

Global Political Logics and Mainstream Discourses on Illness in the Declarations of the State of Exception in the Context of the Covid-19 Pandemic: The Case of the USA, France, and Spain.

At the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic, several countries declared "states of exception," that is, authorized legal devices that, in the face of circumstances deemed catastrophic, permit the implementation of extraordinary measures and the temporary suspension of some rights in order to restore the previous state of affairs as soon as possible. This paper offers a comparative textual analysis of the different states of exception declared in the USA, France, and Spain. I argue that these texts constitute a privileged site to explore how prevalent global political logics and mainstream discourses on illness are interwoven. Regarding the global political logics in play, I hold that these declarations constitute an instantiation of democracy's autoimmune character; it attacks itself in order to protect itself. Regarding mainstream discourses on illness, I explore how illness is regarded as a threat to one's self (by something seemingly other) and the notion that therapy must consist of securing the self's triumph over anything seemingly other. This twofold analysis reveals that an aporetic dialectic between self and other-as regards politics and illness-operates in these declarations, most likely because it is, in fact, one and the same dialectic, upon which Western epistemology rests. Furthermore, I suggest that these texts reflect and promote these dominant logics, contributing to shape human relationships around the globe in a certain dangerous way.

Exploring perceived challenges, adoption, and assessment of Western values of democracy and human rights in Palestine in the 2023 War on Gaza.

This study delved into the dynamics of perceived challenges, adoption, and assessment of Western values of democracy and human rights among university students in Palestine, particularly in the aftermath of the 2023 War on Gaza. A mixed-methods strategy was used in the research, with a participant pool of 384 students representing a range of demographics. By exploring the impact of geopolitical events, the results revealed a positive link between perceived challenges and the assessment of Western values. Although there is a notable gender and geographic difference in the assessment and adoption of Western values, females and those living in cities and villages are shown to have greater perceived challenges with these values. The qualitative component, including interviews with 12 students, provided valuable insights into the postwar evolution of Palestinian perspectives, highlighting a notable shift in attitudes, initially characterized by belief in the superiority of Western values, followed by a decline in faith during the war. This decline is attributed to traumatic events, biased media narratives, and the contradiction between idealized standards and harsh realities. In conclusion, the study emphasizes the need for a comprehensive understanding of the multifaceted influences on Palestinian perceptions of Western values.

Rejection of the status quo: Conspiracy theories and preference for alternative political systems.

Conspiracy theories introduce a democratic paradox, as belief in conspiracy theories predicts support for both democratic and non-democratic political systems. In this article, we explore whether democratic and anti-democratic attitudes, resulting from conspiracy beliefs, can be mutually exclusive. In Study 1 (United Kingdom, N = 293), we show that belief in conspiracy theories is associated with decreased support for representative democracy, and increased support for direct democracy, anarchism, and autocracy within the same individuals. In Study 2 (United States, N = 302, pre-registered), we experimentally show that the perceived presence of conspiracies is linked to an increased preference for direct democracy, anarchism, and autocracy and decreased support for representative democracy. Mediational analyses suggest that widespread dissatisfaction with the status quo and, less consistently, feelings of political cynicism mediate the relationships between conspiracy beliefs and (anti-)democratic attitudes. In Study 3 (United States, N = 400, pre-registered), we experimentally manipulate (dis)satisfaction with the status quo. Results indicate that rejecting the status quo increases support for direct democracy, anarchism, and autocracy and decreases support for representative democracy. Overall, our findings suggest that people who believe in conspiracy theories tend to favour both democratic and anti-democratic political alternatives, largely attributed to citizens' desire to change the status quo.

Public discourse and wilful incommensurability: a case for attentive free speech.

Many thinkers lament the decline of liberal democracy. Some argue that, to rejuvenate it, we must think big. Thinking big involves generating new ideas about how to achieve an unprecedented level of social transformation aimed at cultivating solidarity, empowering citizen efficacy, and promoting the common good. We propose that fundamental to such a transformation must be a radical change in how people speak to one another. To this end, the primary objective of this paper is to offer a framework for understanding how speech currently erodes democratic engagement. The central idea is that much of speech today both reflects and perpetuates a culture of wilful incommensurability. The core features of this culture are totalizing safetyism, expressive safetyism, dismissive intransigence, and polarized alienation, all of which have been worsened by the current trajectory of social media. The result is that people are increasingly prone to engage in degraded free speech, which is characterized by a pervasive aversion to reach out, identify points of unity, benefit from diverse perspectives, and discover truth in all its potential complexity. In view of this diagnosis and the response of those who advocate for freedom of speech, a second objective of this paper is to introduce the concept of attentive free speech. Attentive free speech has similarities with civil discourse but is specifically characterized by discernment and thoughtfulness and is imbued with key dispositions such as courage, reverence, and love. We end by inviting future research into how such speech can promote the social and spiritual health of the public sphere and freedom itself at a practical level.

Urban trees as a lever for citizen engagement in public consultation processes: the case of Paris, France.

In the present context of increasing human population demography, worldwide social crises, and rapid ecological global change, large cities are facing major socio-environmental challenges. This convokes authorities to adapt their governance and urban planning to reconcile urban development, ecological systems, and city dwellers in the most sustainable way. To achieve such goals, local officials have to associate all local actors, including city-dwellers, to the decision-making process through participatory governance and/or participatory systems. Here, we elaborated an original pilot project governance system for a "Participatory System Combining Town Planning and Science" (the 2PS-CiTy), as part of the revision of the Local Urban Plan (LUP) of Paris, France, into a Bioclimatic LUP held from 2020 to 2024. By implementing 2PS-CiTy, we aimed to answer "How to turn trees into a lever for inhabitants' engagement in urban consultation systems?" Trees were chosen because they are emblematic elements of nature with significant roles in ecosystemic services such as urban climate regulation. Parisians were invited to (i) share in the first questionnaire some information on their knowledge about the LUP and their engagement in it, (ii) identify urban trees they consider remarkable, (iii) explain their choice in a second questionnaire, (iv) contribute to the urban consultation as part of the LUP revision, and finally, (v) give their feedback during a dedicated survey. Out of the 41 Parisians who took part in 2PS-City, 83% declared they were motivated to participate because they could contribute to the tree census, which in turn can constructively contribute to the Parisian LUP revision to bring more nature and sustainability in town. This study demonstrates that trees can be used as a lever for inhabitants' engagement in urban consultation systems to make cities more sustainable. Our survey also showed that the 2PS-CiTy governance system could be improved by (1) developing a participatory culture among decision-makers and (2) preventing nowadays silo governance from developing the most promising public governance systems that involve the departments of green space, urban planning, and local democracy.

Democracia representativa: uma leitura interseccional sobre a atuação legislativa da Frente Parlamentar de Combate ao Aborto ­ "Pró-vida", no Estado de Goiás / Representative democracy: An intersectional review of the legislative action of the Parliamentary Front to Combat Abortion ­ "Pro-life", in the State of Goiás / Democracia representativa: Una revisión interseccional de la acción legislativa del Frente Parlamentario de Lucha contra el Aborto ­ "Provida", en el Estado de Goiás

Objetivo: Analisar, a partir da perspectiva crítica e interseccional, a organização, composição e atuação legislativa de comissão voltada aos direitos sexuais e reprodutivos de mulheres, denominada Frente Parlamentar de Combate ao Aborto ­ Pró-Vida. Metodologia: Foi realizada leitura interseccional acerca da constituição de Frente Parlamentar de Combate ao Aborto - "Pró-Vida", da Assembleia Legislativa do Estado de Goiás (ALEGO), e o perfil sociodemográfico de seus integrantes foi traçado, discutido a luz dos marcadores sociais gênero, raça/etnia, classe social e religião, e problematizado acerca de um tema que implica diretamente na saúde e na vida das mulheres, o aborto. Resultados e Discussão: a análise dos resultados aponta a sub-representividade feminina, a prevalência de pessoas brancas e o predomínio de ideologia conservadora nos costumes e religião no perfil sociodemográfico dos membros integrantes da frente parlamentar estudada. Em contraponto, a literatura, ao discutir os marcadores sociais em investigação, traz o retrato daquelas que optam por realizar o aborto como sendo o de mulheres negras, de baixa renda e escolaridade, e que procuram em partidos de viés progressista advocacia para suas causas. Conclusão: A estrutura tradicional, presente na frente parlamentar investigada, enfrenta desafios na construção de um debate representativo e capaz de reproduzir nas políticas públicas as complexas identidades, necessidades e experiências das mulheres em risco de abortamento. Nessa argumentação, a construção de práticas políticas e tratos legislativos devem, prioritariamente, considerar as complexidades identitárias e as intersecções e opressões que levam as mulheres ao aborto para, enfim, construir-se uma democracia inclusiva, equitativa e representativa.

Objective: Analyze, from a critical and intersectional perspective, the organization, composition and legislative performance of a commission focused on women's sexual and reproductive rights, called the Parliamentary Front to Combat Abortion ­ Pró-Vida. Methodology: An intersectional reading was carried out regarding the constitution of the Parliamentary Front to Combat Abortion - "Pró-Vida", of the Legislative Assembly of the State of Goiás (ALEGO), and the sociodemographic profile of its members was outlined, discussed in light of social markers, gender, race/ethnicity, social class and religion and problematized about a topic that directly affects women's health and lives, abortion. Results and discussion: analysis of the results points to female underrepresentation, the prevalence of white people and the predominance of conservative ideology in customs and religion in the sociodemographic profile considered. In contrast, the literature, when discussing the social markers under investigation, portrays those who choose to have an abortion as black women, with low income and education, and who look to parties with a progressive bias to advocate for their causes. Conclusion: The traditional structure present in the Parliamentary Front investigated faces challenges in building a representative debate capable of reproducing in public policies the complex identities, needs and experiences of women at risk of miscarriage. In this argument, the construction of political practices and legislative approaches must primarily consider the complexities of identity and the intersections and oppressions that lead women to abortion in order to, ultimately, build an inclusive, equitable and representative democracy.

Objetivo: Analizar, desde una perspectiva crítica e interseccional, la organización, composición y desempeño legislativo de una comisión enfocada en los derechos sexuales y reproductivos de las mujeres, denominada Frente Parlamentario de Lucha contra el Aborto ­ Pró-Vida. Metodología: Se realizó una lectura interseccional sobre la constitución del Frente Parlamentario de Lucha contra el Aborto - "Pró-Vida", de la Asamblea Legislativa del Estado de Goiás (ALEGO), y se delineó el perfil sociodemográfico de sus integrantes, discutido a la luz de marcadores sociales, género, raza/etnia, clase social y religión y problematizados sobre un tema que afecta directamente la salud y la vida de las mujeres, el aborto. Resultados y discusión: el análisis de los resultados apunta a la subrepresentación femenina, el predominio de personas blancas y el predominio de la ideología conservadora en las costumbres y la religión en el perfil sociodemográfico considerado. En contraste, la literatura, al discutir los marcadores sociales bajo investigación, retrata a quienes eligen abortar como mujeres negras, con bajos ingresos y educación, y que buscan partidos con un sesgo progresista para defender sus causas. Conclusión: La estructura tradicional presente en el Frente Parlamentario investigado enfrenta desafíos en la construcción de un debate representativo capaz de reproducir en políticas públicas las complejas identidades, necesidades y experiencias de las mujeres en riesgo de aborto espontáneo. En este argumento, la construcción de prácticas políticas y enfoques legislativos debe considerar principalmente las complejidades de la identidad y las intersecciones y opresiones que llevan a las mujeres al aborto para, en última instancia, construir una democracia inclusiva, equitativa y representativa.

The public's considerations about implementing non-pharmaceutical interventions to manage a novel COVID-19 epidemic.

In the future, new variants of the SARS-CoV-2 virus might emerge and cause outbreaks. If this occurs, the implementation of non-pharmaceutical interventions (NPIs) can be reconsidered. Consideration of the potential benefits and harms of implementing NPIs, and ultimately deciding about implementing NPIs, is currently mainly executed by experts and governments. However, general literature on public engagement suggests that integrating public perspectives into decision-making can enhance the quality of decisions and foster greater public understanding of them. In this study, a deliberative mini-public was conducted to integrate this public perspective. The aim was to elicit public considerations regarding non-pharmaceutical interventions by asking a diverse group of citizens to participate as decision-makers and convene, learn and deliberate about implementing non-pharmaceutical interventions during a hypothetical outbreak of a new SARS-CoV-2 variant. Participants emphasized the importance of early implementation during the outbreak, to prevent exceeding healthcare capacity, long-term mental health issues, educational deficits, and bankruptcies. Additionally, participants stressed taking public support into account, and shared ideas on maintaining support. Furthermore, participants wanted to give citizens personal responsibility and freedom in making their own assessment regarding adherence to interventions and how much risk of infection they would be willing to accept. Participants also expressed the need for the government to adopt a learning attitude towards improvements in pandemic response, and to generate more focus on long-term strategies. The deliberative mini-public, revealed public considerations that reflected public values and needs. These considerations might be helpful in better aligning epidemic management policies with public perspectives. Regarding the deliberative mini-public, uncertainties remain about the design and impact on a bigger scale.

Politicians' high-status signals make less-educated citizens more supportive of aggression against government: A video-vignette survey experiment.

Various branches of the literature suggest that exposure to the high-status appearances and lifestyles of politicians in contemporary "diploma democracies" affects the attitudes and behavior of less-educated citizens because it confronts them with their lower status in the political domain. Informed by this, we theorize that such exposure inspires docility (a lower subjective social status, weaker feelings of political entitlement) and revolt (anger, more support for aggression against government). To investigate this, we conducted an original, pre-registered, video-vignette survey experiment among a representative sample of the Dutch population. While our findings likely generalize to other liberal democracies, the Dutch context is suitable to test our theorizing because low-status and high-status appearances and lifestyles are found across the political arena, irrespective of politicians' substantive positions or use of populist rhetoric. Each less-educated respondent (n = 1390) was presented with a professionally produced video of an actor playing the part of a fictitious politician. This politician signaled either a low or a high status via his appearance and lifestyle. The potentially confounding factors of his substantive positions and populist rhetoric were randomized and controlled for. We find that exposure to the high-status politician increased less-educated citizens' support for aggression against the government. Through exploratory analyses, we assess how the responses of docility and revolt are interrelated, and how they are shaped by less-educated citizens' economic status.

Beyond regression: Unpacking research of human complex systems with qualitative comparative analysis.

This study underscores the effectiveness of Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA) when compared to conventional regression analysis (CRA) in the investigation of complex human systems. Utilizing historical secondary cross-national data from Lipset & Man (1960) spanning 18 countries, where CRA may be impractical, the research emphasizes the superior performance of QCA, specifically utilizing both crisp set QCA and fuzzy set QCA. The dataset includes variables such as democracy survival and its precursors, such as gross national product per capita, urbanization, literacy rate, and industrial labor force. In contrast to conventional regression results indicating an insignificant relationship between democracy survival and its antecedents, crisp set QCA identifies two distinct combinations of antecedents associated with high levels of democracy survival, albeit with limited solution coverage. Meanwhile, fuzzy set qualitative comparative analysis (fsQCA) reveals five combinations of antecedents linked to robust democracy survival, providing adequate solution coverage and consistency. These findings suggest that fsQCA excels in capturing the intricacies of real-life scenarios in human complex systems, offering more robust empirical solutions compared to crisp set QCA and conventional regression. As a result, researchers may find value in integrating fsQCA into their new projects focused on human complex systems.

Meddling in the 2016 Elections and Satisfaction With Democracy in the US.

In this article, we investigate how external election interventions influence satisfaction with democracy. We expect that mere knowledge about a foreign intervention will not affect system support. Instead, only those who believe that the external influence campaign had a decisive impact on the election outcome should see a reduction in democratic satisfaction. Furthermore, since electoral winners are likely to think that their preferred party provides superior policy outputs, supporters of winning parties should be less affected by their beliefs in the decisiveness of an influence campaign. Finally, we expect that those who place a high value on in-group loyalty will be more likely to engage in motivated reasoning. Thus, in-group loyalty should cause electoral winners to discount the substantive impact of a given electoral intervention, whereas it should have the opposite effect for losers. Our analysis relies on US survey data, and it uncovers broad support for our theoretical expectations.

Intersections in the digital society: cancel culture, fake news, and contemporary public discourse.

This article critically examines the intricate relationship between cancel culture and fake news, shedding light on their collective impact on current societies. The changing social landscape, marked by the transition from the "network society" to the "platform society," has given rise to unprecedented phenomena such as cancel culture. Rooted in social media complaints, cancel culture intersects with the dissemination of intentionally created false information, forming a complex web of dynamics. The study explores the multifaceted nature of cancel culture, its unintended consequences and the nuanced definitions surrounding it. The synthesis of erasure culture and fake news prompts critical reflections on the democratization of information, the protection of fundamental rights, and the potential risks to democracies of an unbridled online narrative. As digital networks continue to play a central role in everyday life, understanding and addressing these challenges is essential to maintaining a balanced discourse that upholds democratic values.

Democratic quality and excess mortality during the COVID-19 pandemic.

The aim of this study is to analyse the relationship between democratic quality and excess mortality produced in the year 2020 before COVID-19 vaccinations were generalised. Using cross-sectional data from 80 countries on five continents, multiple linear regression models between excess mortality, the general democracy index and its disaggregation into five categories: electoral process and pluralism, government functioning, political participation, political culture and civil liberties were estimated. The analysis also considered, public health spending per capita, overweight inhabitants, the average temperature of the country, population over 65 years of age, The KOF Globalisation Index, and the Gross National Income per capita as control variables. It was possible to establish a strong inverse association between excess mortality per million inhabitants and the general democracy index and four of its five categories. There was a particularly strong relationship between excess mortality and the political culture dimension (-326.50, p < 0.001). The results suggest that the higher the democratic quality of the political institutions of a State and particularly of their political culture the more improved the response and management of the pandemic was in preventing deaths and protecting their citizens more effectively. Conversely, countries with lower democracy index values have higher excess mortality. Quality democratic political institutions provide more effective public health policies in the face of the COVID-19 pandemic.

Preferences on Governance Models for Mental Health Data: Qualitative Study With Young People.

BACKGROUND: Improving access to mental health data to accelerate research and improve mental health outcomes is a potentially achievable goal given the substantial data that can now be collected from mobile devices. Smartphones can provide a useful mechanism for collecting mental health data from young people, especially as their use is relatively ubiquitous in high-resource settings such as the United Kingdom and they have a high capacity to collect active and passive data. This raises the interesting opportunity to establish a large bank of mental health data from young people that could be accessed by researchers worldwide, but it is important to clarify how to ensure that this is done in an appropriate manner aligned with the values of young people. OBJECTIVE: In this study, we discussed the preferences of young people in the United Kingdom regarding the governance, sharing, and use of their mental health data with the establishment of a global data bank in mind. We aimed to determine whether young people want and feel safe to share their mental health data; if so, with whom; and their preferences in doing so. METHODS: Young people (N=46) were provided with 2 modules of educational material about data governance models and background in scientific research. We then conducted 2-hour web-based group sessions using a deliberative democracy methodology to reach a consensus where possible. Findings were analyzed using the framework method. RESULTS: Young people were generally enthusiastic about contributing data to mental health research. They believed that broader availability of mental health data could be used to discover what improves or worsens mental health and develop new services to support young people. However, this enthusiasm came with many concerns and caveats, including distributed control of access to ensure appropriate use, distributed power, and data management that included diverse representation and sufficient ethical training for applicants and data managers. CONCLUSIONS: Although it is feasible to use smartphones to collect mental health data from young people in the United Kingdom, it is essential to carefully consider the parameters of such a data bank. Addressing and embedding young people's preferences, including the need for robust procedures regarding how their data are managed, stored, and accessed, will set a solid foundation for establishing any global data bank.

When liars are considered honest.

This article introduces a theoretical model of truth and honesty from a psychological perspective. We examine its application in political discourse and discuss empirical findings distinguishing between conceptions of honesty and their influence on public perception, misinformation dissemination, and the integrity of democracy.

Shushing the press shortens lives: cross-national evidence of the impact of press freedom on life expectancy.

AIMS: Press freedom around the globe has deteriorated over the past decade, especially during the COVID-19 pandemic. This paper explores the effect of press freedom, as a cornerstone of democracy, on life expectancy. METHODS: Exploring cross-country data, we use the ordinary least square method to estimate the association between press freedom and life expectancy. In addition, we adopt three novel instrumental variables to explore the causal relationship. RESULTS: Our estimations indicate that a freer press leads to higher life expectancy, and the effect exists independently of the level of democracy. In addition, the effect of continuous exposure to press freedom is stronger than sporadic free press status. The results are robust to measurement errors, influential outliers, and country-specific heterogeneity. CONCLUSIONS: This study reveals the fundamental role of press freedom in promoting public health that was previously underexplored. Therefore, enhancing freedom of expression can be an effective tool to address three of the United Nations Millennium Development Goals, that is, reduce under-five mortality, improve maternal health, and combat HIV/AIDS.JEL:I1 H7 D02.