¿Necesitás abortar? Estés donde estés te acompañamos: pandemia y acompañamiento de abortos en la ciudad de Neuquén, Argentina, durante 2020 / Do you need to abort? Wherever you are, we accompany you: pandemic and abortions accompaniment in Neuquén, Argentina, during 2020 / Você precisa abortar? Onde quer que você esteja, nós te acompanhamos: pandemia e acompanhamento de abortos em Neuquén, Argentina, durante 2020

Objetivo: describir los cambios que impuso la irrupción de la pandemia por COVID-19 al dispositivo de acompañamientos de abortos durante el año 2020 en la ciudad de Neuquén, Argentina. Metodología: el trabajo tiene un diseño metodológico que combinó aspectos cualitativos y cuantitativos en el análisis. Por un lado, se analizaron documentos elaborados por Socorristasen Redy se realizaron entrevistas semiestructuradas a activistas de La Revuelta. Esto se complementó con análisis de datos estadísticos de los acompañamientos de abortos dentro del sistema de salud entre marzo y diciembre de 2020. Resultados: en el período de estudio, La Revuelta readecuó parte de su dispositivo de acompañamiento y acompañó 270 abortos dentro del sistema de salud. Conclusión: el artículo muestra que la irrupción de la pandemia y la restricción para circular implicaron respuestas rápidas por parte de las activistas de La Revuelta, para continuar acompañando abortos en un momento de gran incertidumbre.

Objective: this article delineates the modifications introduced to the abortion support system in the city of Neuquén, Argentina, during the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020.Methods:the research employs a methodological design incorporating both qualitative and quantitative elements. It involves the analysis of documents prepared by Socorristas en Red, semi-structured interviews with La Revuelta activists, and the examination of statistical data related to abortion accompaniment within the health system from March to December 2020. Results:during the study period, La Revuelta adjusted a segment of its support apparatus and facilitated 270 abortions within the health system. Conclusion: the article illustrates that the pandemic and associated movement restrictions necessitated prompt adaptations by La Revuelta activists to sustain abortion support services amidst a period of considerable uncertainty.

Objetivo: descrever as mudanças que a pandemia de COVID-19 impôs ao sistema de apoio ao aborto durante o ano de 2020 na cidade de Neuquén, Argentina. Metodologia: o trabalho possui um desenho metodológico que combinou aspectos qualitativos e quantitativos na análise. Por um lado, foram analisados documentos elaborados pelos Socorristas en Rede realizadas entrevistas semiestruturadas com ativistas de La Revuelta. Isto foi complementado com a análise de dados estatísticos de acompanhamento do aborto no sistema de saúde entre março e dezembro de 2020. Resultados: no período do estudo, La Revuelta reajustou parte do seu dispositivo de acompanhamento e acompanhou 270 abortos no sistema de saúde. Conclusão: o artigo mostra que a eclosão da pandemia e a restrição de circulação implicaram respostas rápidas por parte dos ativistas de La Revuelta, para continuarem a acompanhar os abortos num momento de grande incerteza

Lessons from the Women and Gender Constituency: Interrogating Civil Society Strategies for Organising in the UNFCCC.

While scholarship on the topic of gender and the environment is steadily growing, little is known about the challenges faced and successes seen by women and gender NGOs operating as a central part of environment-focused civil society. In this paper, I offer such an analysis, examining the political strategies-rhetorical and procedural-mobilised by the Women and Gender Constituency (WGC) in the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). I argue that the WGC has seen lots of success in mobilising arguments that foreground women's vulnerability to the effects of climate change. But at the same time, the constituency has seen far more resistance to more intersectional feminist arguments that interrogate the role of masculinised discursive power in shaping climate politics. This is at least in part a result of a wider structure of civil society that pigeonholes different identities (e.g. gender, youth, indigenous peoples) in a way that separates their deeply interconnected struggles. Understanding this structural barrier, or dark side of civil society, is crucial to envisioning a more fruitful integration of civil society in sustainability politics.

"Welcome to the Revolution": Promoting Generational Renewal in Argentina's Ni Una Menos.

Despite the global upsurge of youth-fueled mass mobilization, the critical question of why new generations may be eager to join established movements is under-explored theoretically and empirically. This study contributes to theories of feminist generational renewal in particular. We examine the longer-term movement context and more proximate strategies that have enabled young women to participate steadily in a cycle of protest, alongside more seasoned activists, due to a process of feminist learning and affective bonding that we call "productive mediation." We focus on the Argentine Ni Una Menos (Not One Less) massive yearly march, which, since its onset in 2015, demonstrates that feminist activists have achieved the sought-after goal of fostering a highly diverse mass movement. These large-scale mobilizations against feminicide and gender-based violence gain much of their energy from a strong youth contingent, so much so that they have been called "the Daughters' Revolution." We show that these "daughters" have been welcomed by previous generations of feminist changemakers. Drawing on original qualitative research featuring 63 in-depth interviews with activists of different ages, backgrounds, and locations across Argentina, we find that long-standing movement spaces and brokers, as well as innovative frameworks of understanding, repertoires of action, and organizational approaches, help to explain why preexisting social movements may be attractive for young participants.

Sexual health activism: the motivations of near-peer volunteer educators working to promote positive understandings of gender and sexuality in UK secondary schools.

This paper explores and theorises education-based workshops delivered in secondary schools in support of a relationships and sex education curriculum that aims to bring forth more positive understandings and experiences of gender and sexuality. We cast this work as a form of sexual health activism, with our paper deepening understanding of how the motivations of those engaged in this form of activism interface with the decision to invest time in this work. Based on interviews with 40 workshop facilitators in England and Wales we argue that this form of sexual health activism is motivated by facilitators' life experiences as well as the desire to make the world a better place. As such, this form of work can function as a means of 'caring for' both past selves and future generations, thus functioning simultaneously as a form of self-care and a form of 'societal care work'. Ultimately, these activities may be understood as a form of 'extra-clinical' healthcare practice, with leading gender and sexual health workshops serving as an important means of solidifying health students' identities as both healthcare providers and activists for social change.

Abortion rights beyond the medico-legal paradigm.

Abortion rights in international law have historically been framed within a medico-legal paradigm, the belief that regulated systems of legal and medical control guarantee safe abortion. However, a growing worldwide practice of self-managed abortion (SMA) supported by feminist activism challenges key precepts of this paradigm. SMA activism has shown that more than medical service delivery matters to safe abortion and has called into question the legal regulation of abortion beyond criminal prohibitions. This article explores how abortion rights have begun to depart from the medico-legal paradigm and to support the novel norms and practices of SMA activism in a transformation of the abortion field. Abortion rights as reimagined in SMA activism increasingly feature in human rights agendas related to structural violence and inequality, collective organising and international solidarity, and democratic engagement.

Educación superior chilena y violencia de género: demandas desde los feminismos universitarios / Chilean higher education and gender-based violence: demands from expressions of feminism in universities / Educação superior chileno e violência de gênero: demandas do feminismo universitário

Resumen (analítico) Se presenta una investigación sobre el ciclo de movilizaciones feministas universitarias de 2018, en la cual jóvenes estudiantes chilenas denunciaron violencia y acoso en instituciones de educación superior. Se visibiliza que la violencia contra las mujeres ha sido normalizada e invisibilizada, pues se encuentra arraigada en una cultura sexista. Así, se propone un objetivo doble: por un lado, identificar cuáles manifestaciones de la violencia de género fueron las principales catalizadoras de dichas movilizaciones; y, por otro, determinar cómo tales violencias se expresan en los contextos universitarios desde la voz de sus protagonistas. Este movimiento introdujo críticas profundas a la concepción de educación superior y acabó por revelarla como un campo de continua disputa política articulada con la genealogía del movimiento estudiantil chileno y con el resurgimiento de feminismos jóvenes en Latinoamérica.

Abstract (analytical) This research focuses on the 2018 cycle of feminist mobilizations at univiersities in which young female Chilean students denounced violence and harassment in higher education institutions, highlighting that violence against women has been normalized and made invisible as it is rooted in the dominant sexist culture. A double objective was proposed for the study: identify which manifestations of gender-based violence were the main catalyst for these mobilizations; and determine how this violence is expressed in university contexts based on the voices of the protagonists of the mobilizations. This movement involved strong criticism to the conception of higher education, revealing it as a field of continuous political dispute that is articulated with the genealogy of the Chilean student movement and the resurgence of expressions of feminism by young people in Latin America.

Resumo (analítico) É apresentada uma investigação sobre o ciclo 2018 de mobilizações feministas universitárias, em que jovens estudantes chilenas denunciaram violência e assédio em instituições de ensino superior; tornar visível que a violência contra a mulher foi normalizada e invisibilizada, por tanto, está enraizada em uma cultura sexista. Assim se propõe um duplo objetivo: por um lado, identificar quais as manifestações de violência de gênero foram os principais catalisadores dessas mobilizações; e, de outro, determinar como tal violência se expressa em contextos universitários a partir da voz de suas protagonistas. Este movimento introduz críticas profundas à concepção de ensino superior e acabou revelando-a como um campo de contínua disputa política articulada com a genealogia do movimento estudantil chileno e com o ressurgimento de jovens feminismos na América Latina.

Body Politics in the COVID-19 Era from a Feminist Lens.

The premises of the feminist economist tradition from the Global South center their analysis in the wellbeing of people and the planet, under the human rights framework, gender equality and environmental integrity, as cross-cutting principles. The pandemic brought to the surface what the feminist movement has been saying all along, namely that the wellbeing of persons, and the planet they live in, depends on a complex web of elements beyond a limited notion of bodily health. The current capitalistic system has always kindled a tension between life and profits, a game that has undermined human rights of all persons by prioritizing the circulation of merchandises, goods and capitals. That struggle is more acutely felt now with the confinement measures imposed all around the world, and the ensuing impossibility for millions of people in precarious circumstances of respecting the lockdown measures. Women are even more carrying the burden of subsidizing entire economies. The feminist movement is now looking at solutions of solidarity at the crossroad between and within social movements, public policy, local and community resistance, while refusing to go back to a world where women may have to subsidize even more entire economies under recession.

Tackling Rape Culture in Québec Universities: A Network of Feminist Resistance.

Québec university communities are facing intensified pressure to address the incidence of sexual violence on campus. The ESSIMU (Enquête Sexualité, Sécurité et Interactions en Milieu Universitaire) survey (2016) revealed that one third of respondents (students and employees from six universities, all genders combined) reported having experienced at least one form of sexual violence since arriving at university, committed by someone affiliated with the same university. As the issue is becoming increasingly institutionalized, a process that often erodes activism, this article highlights the role feminist activism has played in placing sexual violence on university campuses on the political agenda. From the dual perspective of feminist activists and researchers on the ESSIMU team, the article explores the backdrop of this mobilization, and the network of feminist resistance that fostered the ESSIMU study, itself a significant contribution to the increased recognition of sexual violence in universities. It also considers the role of university and government institutions in (re)producing such violence and the role of media in making it a public issue.

Self-objectification, feminist activism and conformity to feminine norms among female vegetarians, semi-vegetarians, and non-vegetarians.

Recent research has suggested that vegetarians may be at an increased risk for developing disordered eating or body image issues when compared to non-vegetarians. However, the results of such studies are mixed, and no research has explored potential connections between vegetarianism and self-objectification. In the current study, the authors examine factors that predicted body surveillance, body shame, and appearance control beliefs; three aspects of self-objectification. Surveys were completed by 386 women from the United States who were categorized as vegetarian, semi-vegetarian, or non-vegetarian. The three groups differed regarding dietary motivations, levels of feminist activism, and body shame, but did not differ on their conformity to feminine norms. While conformity to feminine norms predicted body surveillance and body shame levels among all three groups of women, feminist activism predicted appearance control beliefs among non-vegetarians only. These findings suggest that it is important for researchers and clinicians to distinguish among these three groups when examining the relationship between vegetarianism and self-objectification.