Kinetic health: ecologies and mobilities of prevention in Europe, c. 1100-1600.

This article coins and deploys the term kinetic health as part of a broader attempt to historicize the mobilities paradigm from the standpoint of past community prophylactics. It uses the example of Galenic or humoral medicine, which for millennia organized individual and group health as a dynamic systems balance among several spheres of intersecting fixities and flows. The radical situatedness it fostered emerges clearly from tracing preventative health interventions among different communities in 'preindustrial' Europe, including urban dwellers, miners and armies, whose different motilities both bound people to and released them from their immediate environment. Beyond reframing past practices, kinetic health benefits mobilities studies scholars by interrogating stagist narratives of civilization and modernization in two ways. First, as an analytic, because although humoralism and other medical systems continue to inform present-day approaches to health and disease around the globe, they are often obscured by layers of colonialism and biomedicine. And secondly, as a perch for viewing the long-term ebb, flow and mingling of ideas about ill/health as an assemblage of (social) bodies and their natural and social environments.

Underground and Over the Sea: More Community Prophylactics in Europe, 1100-1600.

Public health historians have repeatedly shown that the theory, policy, and practice of group prophylactics far predate their alleged birth in industrial modernity, and regularly draw on Galenic principles. While the revision overall has been successful, its main focus on European cities entails a major risk, since city dwellers were a minority even in Europe's most urbanised regions. At the same time, cities continue to be perceived and presented as typically European, which stymies transregional and comparative studies based at least in part on non- or extra-urban groups. Thus, any plan to both offer an accurate picture of public health's deeper past and fundamentally challenge a narrative of civilizational progress wedded to Euro-American modernity ("stagism") would benefit from looking beyond cities and their unique health challenges. The present article begins to do so by focusing on two ubiquitous groups, often operating outside cities and facing specific risks: miners and shipmates. Evidence for these communities' preventative interventions and the extent to which they drew on humoral theory is rich yet uneven for Europe between the thirteenth and sixteenth centuries. Methodological questions raised by this unevenness can be addressed by connecting different scales of evidence, as this article demonstrates. Furthermore, neither mining nor maritime trade was typically European, thus building a broader base for transregional studies and comparisons.

O vitalismo hipocrático de Canguilhem / Canguilhem's Hippocratic vitalism

Resumo O vitalismo canguilhemiano não é evidente, tampouco é uma forma mais conhecida desse tipo de pensamento; não nasce das antigas diatribes que, do século XVIII, invadiram as polêmicas do XIX. Canguilhem reabilita o vitalismo a partir de uma abordagem ontológica única, para a qual ele não hesita em referenciar-se nos antigos e, de modo geral, num Hipócrates que, lido sobretudo por meio da história escrita por Charles Singer, traz à tona outros temas, como a crítica ao conceito de homeostase revivido e nomeado por Walter Cannon. Canguilhem redimensiona a homeostase hipocrática que Cannon cientificizou, dando-lhe uma mobilidade que lhe é conceitualmente essencial, e redesenha o projeto do vitalismo, recusando-lhe a antítese do mecanicismo. Dessa forma, Canguilhem foi buscar ou se respaldar num Hipócrates lido pelos historiadores da medicina (e das ciências biomédicas). Este artigo procurou mapear a contribuição de longa duração de Georges Canguilhem para o discurso médico, bem como seu papel fundador de uma nova concepção de normalidade a partir da sua concepção de vitalismo, que, para ele, é herdeira de um "espírito hipocrático".

Abstract Canguilhem's vitalism is not obvious, neither does is consist of a more known form of this type of thinking; it does not come from the old diatribes that, coming from the 19th century, are still relevant to the 20th century's discussions. Canguilhem reclaims vitalism from a unique ontological approach, and does not hesitate to allude to the classics and, most of all, to a Hippocrates that, read mainly through the perspective of the history written by Charles Singer, brings to light other themes such as the critic to the concept of homeostasis revitalized and named by Walter Cannon. Canguilhem gives another perspective to Hippocrates' homeostasis, that was "scientified" by Cannon, giving it mobility that is considered essential to its concept and redraws the vitalism project, rejecting the place of mechanism antithesis. This paper aimed to map Canguilhem's longue durée contribution to the medical discourse, as well as his funding role of a new conception of normality formulated from his own interpretation of a vitalism that, in his point of view, comes from a "Hippocratic spirit".

The 'Compleat Physician' and Experimentation in Medicines: Everard Maynwaring (c.1629-1713) and the Restoration Debate on Medical Practice in London.

Restoration London saw a wave of publications by physicians advocating that the 'compleat physician' should be one who experimented and produced his own medicines. Only thus, they argued, could the medical hierarchy be restored and medical authority re-established on a defensible basis. This article seeks to explain the context for this unusual approach, and why it failed to attract mainstream physicians by the end of the century, by considering the sixty-year career of one of its leading advocates, Everard Maynwaring (c.1629-1713), a prolific medical author, and what his own failure to enter the medical establishment may show about the problems inherent in this model for the physician. A university-trained gentleman physician who converted to chymical medicine c.1660, Maynwaring published learned and relatively unpolemical texts to persuade both medical and lay audiences of the superiority of experimental medicine as a mode of learned practice, yet could not easily reconcile this with the advocacy and sale of his own chymical medicines (especially as he focused increasingly on a small group of 'universal medicines') without being branded an 'empirick'. Fragmentary evidence regarding his career suggests he became increasingly marginalised, and as an old man was reduced to advertising his cures like the 'empiricks' from whom he had sought to distance both himself and physicians in general.

van Helmont's proposal for a randomised comparison of treating fevers with or without bloodletting and purging.

Around the year 1643, Joan Baptista van Helmont, a Flemish chemist, alchemist and physician who had devised what he claimed to be a new form of medicine, proposed a 'challenge' to traditional Galenic physicians to compare treatment of fever by traditional methods and by a regime which did not involve bloodletting and purging. Two groups of patients were to be treated and 'casting of lots' was to be used - in some way not specified in detail - to decide who received which treatment. This 'challenge' has been regarded as the first proposal for the use of randomisation in a clinical trial. This paper explains the background to the challenge and discusses what can be deduced from Helmont's text about the details of how he proposed that the 'trial' was to be carried out. It concludes that internal evidence in Helmont's writings makes it certain that no such 'trial' was ever conducted. It seems that the 'challenge' was probably a rhetorical device to support Helmont's vehement criticism of traditional Galenic medicine and its practitioners, and, in particular, toemphasise his absolute opposition to the use of bloodletting as a medicaltreatment. An appendix includes a short summary of Helmont's theories of the origins of disease and transcriptions of the passages of Helmont's Latin text translated in the article.

Cuerpo y sociedad en el Libro de la anathomía del hombre, de Bernardino Montaña de Monserrate: el sueño político de un anatomista / Body and society in the Libro de la anathomía del hombre by Bernardino Montaña de Monserrate: an anatomist's political dream

El Libro de la anathomía del hombre constituye un caso ejemplar del género de obras médico-consiliares que, habiendo tenido su apogeo en la Baja Edad Media se mantuvieron vigentes durante el Renacimiento. Aunque no es un tratado original en sentido estricto goza de algunas características relevantes: es el primer tratado de anatomía escrito en lengua castellana; epistemológicamente, constituye un punto de inflexión entre las concepciones galénica y mecanicista del cuerpo; a la par que el discurso médico se configura como un verdadero tratado político destinado a legitimar el orden hegemónico; y, desde el punto de vista estilístico, el empleo de un sueño alegórico permite considerarla como una obra onirológica.

The Libro de la anathomía del hombre is an exemplary case of a genre of medico-moral works that peaked in the Early Middle Ages and were still seen during the Renaissance. Although it is not, strictly speaking, an original treatise, it presents some relevant characteristics: it was the first anatomy treatise to be written in Spanish; epistemologically, it represents a turning point between Galenist and mechanist concepts of the body; whilst the medical discourse is configured as a true political treatise intended to legitimize the hegemonic order; and, in terms of style, the use of an allegorical dream allows us to treat it as an oneirological work.

Rhazes in the renaissance of Andreas Vesalius.

Andreas Vesalius' (1514-64) first publication was a Paraphrasis of the ninth book of the Liber ad Almansorem, written by the Arab-Persian physician and alchemist Rhazes (854-925). The role of Rhazes in Vesalius' oeuvre has thus far been much disregarded. The different ways Rhazes recurs reveal an intellectual evolution in Vesalius' work. In the Paraphrasis, Vesalius subjects Rhazes to the authority of Galen in the context of the early sixteenth-century humanist campaign for the substitution of Arab influences by Greek 'originals'. Over the years Vesalius continues his work on Rhazes, but his approach becomes more internationalistic. Ultimately, Vesalius criticises Galen while expressing sympathy for the Arab author. This may be the more significant as Rhazes could have influenced Vesalius in the act of criticising Galen - critical discussions of Galen were available to Vesalius in Latin translations of Rhazes's Liber Continens. Although Vesalius never refers to the work, it is hardly possible he was unaware of it: similarities in structure, rhetoric and form between the Continens and the De humani corporis fabrica could support this hypothesis.

'By merit raised to that bad eminence': Christopher Merrett, artisanal knowledge, and professional reform in restoration London.

This article examines the career and reform agenda of Christopher Merrett as a means of evaluating the changing conditions of medical knowledge production in late seventeenth-century London. This period was characterised by increasing competition between medical practitioners, resulting from the growing consumer demand for medical commodities and services, the reduced ability of elite physicians to control medical practice, and the appearance of alternative methods of producing medical knowledge - particularly experimental methods. This competition resulted in heated exchanges between physicians, apothecaries, and virtuosi, in which Merrett played an active part. As a prominent member of both the Royal Society and the Royal College of Physicians, Merrett sought to mediate between the two institutions by introducing professional reforms designed to alleviate competition and improve medical knowledge.These reforms entailed sweeping changes to medical regulation and education that integrated the traditional reliance on Galenic principles with knowledge derived from experiment and artisanal practices. The emphasis Merrett placed on the trades suggests the important role artisanal knowledge played in his efforts to reorganise medicine and improve knowledge of bodily processes.

Zhuzhiqunzheng, the Jesuit translation of Western medicine and its influence on Korean and Chinese intellectuals / 의사학

The Jesuits were great transmitters of Western science to East Asia in the 17th and 18th century. In 1636, a German Jesuit missionary Johann Adam Schall von Bell (1591-1666) published a book titled Zhuzhiqunzheng (Hundreds of Signs Testifying Divine Providence). The book was not Adam Schall's own writing, but it was the Chinese translation of De providentia numinis (1613) of Leonardus Lessius (1554-1623) who was also a Jesuit scholar. The book was a religious work which particularly aimed at converting the pagans to the Christianity by presenting them with hundreds of signs testifying the divine providence. One group of the signs is those manifested in the human body. The bodily signs in question include anatomical structures and physiological processes. It gives a brief survey of bodily structures with bones and muscles. The translator had much difficulties in explaining muscles for there was no corresponding concept in Chinese medicine. The theory of human physiology was a simplified version of medieval Galenism. Three kinds of pneuma were translated into three kinds of Qi respectively. 'Natural pneuma' was translated into 'Qi of the body nature', 'vital pneuma' into 'Qi of life and nourishing', 'psychic pneuma' into 'Qi of movement and consciousness'. The book of Schall von Bell and other books on Western science written in Chinese were also imported to Korea during the 17th and 18th century. Unlike China, Korea was very hostile to Christianity and no Jesuit could enter Korea. Only the books on Western science could be imported. The books, which were called Books on Western Learning, were circulated and read among the progressive Confucian literati. However, Western medicine thus introduced had little influence on the traditional medicine of East Asia. However, some intellectuals paid attention to the physiological theory, in particular the theory of brain centrism, which fueled a philosophical debate among Korean intellectuals of the time.