Undocumented workers in the labor market: an analysis of the earnings of legal and illegal Mexican immigrants in the United States.

"This paper studies the differences in earnings between Mexican legal and illegal immigrants in the United States. The analysis includes a cross-sectional examination of the wage differences between legal and undocumented workers as well as a longitudinal analysis examining the impact of legalization on the earnings of previously-undocumented workers. It is shown that the average hourly wage rate of male Mexican legal immigrants in the United States was 41.8% higher than that of undocumented workers while female legal immigrants earned 40.8% more."

Death at the border.

"Debates about United States border control policies have generally ignored the human costs of undocumented migration. We focus attention on these costs by estimating the number, causes and location of migrant deaths at the southwest border of the United States between 1993 and 1997.... Deaths from hyperthermia, hypothermia and dehydration increased sharply from 1993 to 1997 as intensified border enforcement redirected undocumented migration flows from urban crossing points to more remote crossing areas where the migrants are exposed to a greater risk of death."

Low-skill emigration from Mexico to the United States. Current situation, prospects and government policy.

PIP: "Low-skill labour migration from Mexico to the U.S. is a dominant aspect of general Mexico-U.S. migration. It is of even greater importance in undocumented migration in general and in undocumented border flows, and as such has become a growing source of concern and initial coordination and collaboration between the two governments.... The article recommends that any large-scale migrant worker programme be bilateral in nature." (EXCERPT)^ieng

[Labor migration to the United States by natives from the State of Mexico]. / Migracion laboral hacia Estados Unidos de los oriundos del Estado de Mexico.

PIP: Based primarily on data from the Encuesta sobre Migracion en la Frontera Norte de Mexico, results of a study of international migration from the Mexican state of Mexico to the United States over time are presented The author notes that from 1942 to 1964, labor migration between the two countries was organized under an agreement between the two governments concerned. However, since that agreement ended, an increasing volume of illegal labor migration has occurred in response to the economic situation. Attention is given to migrant characteristics, the characteristics of illegal immigrants deported back to Mexico, and migrant remittances.^ieng

The social process of undocumented border crossing among Mexican migrants.

"In this article a theoretical model is developed that views undocumented border crossing as a well-defined social process influenced by the quantity and quality of human and social capital that migrants bring with them to the border, and constrained by the intensity and nature of U.S. enforcement efforts. Detailed histories of border crossing from undocumented migrants originating in 34 Mexican communities are employed to estimate equations corresponding to this model.... As people gain experience in border crossing, they rely less on the assistance of others and more on abilities honed on earlier trips, thus substituting migration-specific human capital for general social capital.... On all trips, the intensity of the U.S. enforcement effort has little effect on the likelihood of arrest, but INS involvement in drug enforcement sharply lowers the odds of apprehension."

The unauthorized Mexican immigrant population and welfare in Los Angeles County: a comparative statistical analysis.

"Using a unique 1994 Los Angeles County Household Survey of foreign-born Mexicans and the March 1994 and 1995 Current Population Surveys, we estimate the number of unauthorized Mexican immigrants (UMIs) residing in Los Angeles County, and compare their use of seven welfare programs with that of other non-U.S. citizens and U.S. citizens. Non-U.S. citizens were found to be no more likely than U.S. citizens to have used welfare, and UMIs were 11% (14%) less likely than other non-citizens (U.S.-born citizens).... We demonstrate how results differ depending on the unit of analysis employed, and on which programs constitute ¿welfare'."

China's "tidal wave" of migrant labor: what can we learn from Mexican undocumented migration to the United States?

"The purpose of this article is to place Chinese labor migration from agriculture within the context of the literature on labor mobility in developing countries by comparing it to undocumented Mexican migration to the United States. The similarities fall within three general areas: the migration process, the economic and social position of migrants at their destination, and the agrarian structure and process of agricultural development that has perpetuated circular migration. The last section of the article draws upon these similarities, as well as differences between the two countries, to generate predictions concerning the development of labor migration in China."

[Migration of Mexicans to the United States: patterns of continuity and change]. / La migracion de Mexicanos a Estados Unidos: patrones de continuidad y cambio.

PIP: Mexican migration to the US has been a constant feature since the past century, and it is currently one of the most contentious issues on the bilateral agenda. The forces behind the migratory system include the inability of the Mexican economy to absorb all available labor; the demand for Mexican workers in the US agricultural, industrial, and service sectors; the wage differential; the tradition of migration to the US; and the operation of complex social and family networks linking places of origin and of destination. The predominant migratory pattern in the 1960s was a largely circular flow of rural Mexicans originating in a relatively small number of communities in a few states to work temporarily in US agriculture. The flow has become increasingly complex and heterogeneous, with regional, occupational, and sectorial diversification, a much greater presence of migrants of urban origin, and a greater tendency toward long or permanent stays. Recent surveys showed that 95% of short-term migrants crossing the border to the US were male and 70% were aged 12-34 years. The average educational level was 6.2 years, and two-thirds had previous work experience in Mexico. Only about 52% were from traditional places of origin, and 55% were urban. About half were bound for California, but the importance of Texas as a destination was increasing due to stepped-up border patrols in California. 75% hoped to stay in the US longer than 6 months. Two-thirds had previous migratory experience in the US, and two-thirds had no travel or work documents. The annual net migration to the US increased from about 26,000-29,000 in the 1960s to around 300,000 in the first half of the 1990s. 55% of Mexicans residing in the US are male and 70% are aged 15-44 years. 75% of Mexicans over age 25 residing in the US had a high school education or less, and two-thirds aged 16 or over are economically active, with 11% unemployed, 80% earning less than $20,000/year, and 35% living in poverty. A significant proportion receive some type of support from social welfare programs in the US.^ieng

Unauthorized Mexican workers in the 1990 Los Angeles County labour force.

"By analysing how unauthorized Mexicans compare with seven other ethno-racial groups in Los Angeles County, separately and collectively, by educational attainment and time spent in the U.S., we find that unauthorized Mexicans had relatively fewer years of formal education (either in the U.S. or in Mexico) and had been in the U.S. a relatively fewer number of years than in-migrants of other ethno-racial backgrounds in 1990. These findings are then used as proxies to compare the human capital endowments of different ethno-racial groups. We next estimate the number of unauthorized Mexicans by occupation, industry and class of worker, and compare these distributions with the total labour force and with the other ethno-racial groups in Los Angeles County.... Results show that amounts of human capital are positively related to the kinds of occupations filled." (SUMMARY IN FRE AND SPA)

[Passport registers: their limits and possibilities for the study of emigration]. / Registros de pasaportes: sus limitaciones y sus posibilidades para el estudio de la emigracion.

PIP: "There are two main nominal sources of data on Portuguese emigration during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries: the Rois de Confessados or Rois de Desobriga and the Livros de Registos de Passaportes.... The major question regarding passport registers concerns the level of clandestine emigration. Thus a comparison with U.S. ship lists reveals two different pictures of Portuguese emigration [with regard to] sex ratio, occupations and age distribution. Data obtained point at a larger generalization: sources containing data on legal emigration only do not reflect ¿true' emigration in countries with important clandestine streams." (EXCERPT)^ieng

[International record linkage of Dutch immigrants in the United States in the nineteenth century]. / Cruzamiento internacional de registros de inmigrantes holandeses en los Estados Unidos en el siglo XIX.

PIP: "Nominative sources both at origin (Netherlands' emigration records) and at destination (U.S. Ship Passenger Customs Lists) [in the 1800s] are compared on a nominal basis and thus the omission in each series evaluated. The results show both an underestimation of immigration figures and a bias in international migration statistics. Single, young working-class males prevail in nonlinked records, probably corresponding to clandestine emigration. In other respects, however, the passenger manifests seem reasonably reliable, since social structural biases are minimal in this source." (EXCERPT)^ieng

[Mexican migration to the United States: review of a historical process]. / La migracion mexicana a Estados Unidos: recuento de un proceso historico.

PIP: The author reviews historical trends in migration from Mexico to the United States. The focus is on the importance of Mexican workers who became part of the industrial work force at the beginning of the twentieth century. The composition of the present-day migrant flow, including undocumented workers, is described. The impact of the 1986 Immigration Reform and Control Act is discussed, and possible causes of illegal migration are considered.^ieng

Economic integration and labor flows: stage migration in farm labor markets in Mexico and the United States.

"This article examines the probable effects of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) on migration from Mexico to the United States, disputing the view that expansion of jobs in Mexico could rapidly reduce undocumented migration. To the extent that NAFTA causes Mexican export agriculture to expand, migration to the United States will increase rather than decrease in the short run. Data collected in both California and the Mexican State of Baja California show that indigenous migrants from southern Mexico typically first undertake internal migration, which lowers the costs and risks of U.S. migration. Two features of employment in export agriculture were found to be specially significant in lowering the costs of U.S. migration: first, working in export agriculture exposes migrants to more diverse social networks and information about U.S. migration; second, agro-export employment in northern Mexico provides stable employment, albeit low-wage employment, for some members of the family close to the border (especially women and children) while allowing other members of the family to assume the risks of U.S. migration."

Using INS border apprehension data to measure the flow of undocumented migrants crossing the U.S.-Mexico frontier.

"This article examines how data on INS [Immigration and Naturalization Service] border apprehensions are related to the flow of undocumented migrants crossing the southern U.S. border. Its centerpiece is a demographic model of the process of unauthorized migration across the Mexico-U.S. frontier. This model is both a conceptual framework that allows us to see theoretical linkages between apprehensions and illegal migrant flows, and a methodological device that yields estimates of the gross number of undocumented migrants. One implication of the model is that, for the first time, the relation between apprehensions and illegal flows can be examined empirically. We show that the ratio in each period between apprehensions and the undocumented flow is simply the odds of being located and arrested on any given attempt to enter the United States clandestinely."

Legal versus illegal U.S. immigration and source country characteristics.

"Based on micro data from the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) on legal immigrants as well as on legalization applications that followed the passage of IRCA [the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986], this study exploits the variation in legal and illegal immigration flows across seventy source countries to examine the sensitivity of immigration flows to underlying source country characteristics. The study finds that earnings in the source country and the distance from the United States form significant deterrents of both legal and illegal immigration flows. We also find that illegal immigration is more sensitive to such factors than is legal immigration." The impact of the North American Free Trade Agreement on U.S. immigration from Mexico is also assessed.

[Antecedents of and reflections on immigration policy in the United States]. / Antecedentes y reflexiones en torno a la politica migratoria de Estados Unidos.

PIP: The background and determinants of US migration policy regarding Mexico are analyzed. Examination of migration policy through World War II demonstrates the coexistence of efforts to assure an adequate labor force by stimulating immigration with xenophobic fears and efforts to restrict immigration of specific groups. More recent policy measures--the 1952 McCarran-Walter Act prohibiting work in the US without migration documents, the 1954 "Operation Wetback" program to deport illegal immigrants, and the 1986 Simpson-Rodino law sanctioning employers who hire illegal immigrants--represented juridical and political responses to an essentially economic and social problem. The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) of the early 1990s largely ignored the difficult issue of illegal immigration, missing an opportunity for bilateral consideration of the problem. In early 1994, the US government increased the budget for border surveillance and initiated other actions to curb illegal immigration. Three states with large undocumented Mexican immigrant populations sued the Federal government for reimbursement of their expenditures, and California's Proposition 187 called for denying educational and medical services to family members of illegal immigrants. US migration policy has always attempted to stop the flow of illegal immigrants. The large numbers still present demonstrate that blockades, deportations, and other measures have been only partially successful.^ieng

The making of Amerexico: (mis)handling illegal immigration.

PIP: The border and social policies that the United States shares with Mexico have had only a modest impact on the level of illegal immigration. Alternative methods could reduce the social backlash against Mexican immigrants in US states of destination. Federal Relief Aid to states affected by new arrivals would ameliorate hostility. Although economic stagnation may depress the flow of immigrants or job opportunities, legal or illegal, economic recovery is dependent on the hard work of immigrants. The political solution has been to tighten border controls. Other options are possible. There should be pressure placed on multilateral institutions such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund to incorporate immigration issues in economic policy decisions. Many market reforms have contributed to greater emigration. The US has the option to use both supply and demand side options. Enforcement of workplace rules on minimum wages and health and safety standards would make it more difficult to exploit immigrant workers and would decrease the incentive to hire illegal workers. In a deregulated market stricter work standards were considered difficult to attain. A 1993 opinion poll revealed that 65% thought immigration was not beneficial. Border apprehension rates have increased dramatically over the past 30 years. The most recent policies aim to encourage the mobility of capital and trade through the NAFTA free trade agreement while trying to discourage human resource mobility. The push factors in Mexico are identified as high levels of poverty and unemployment, overpopulation, and economic stagnation. NAFTA and prior economic development efforts have not addressed the push factors. Disruption of traditional ways and changes toward greater industrialization spur emigration. The US program to develop border export industry encouraged migration from the interior of Mexico to border areas. Recent Mexican policies have changed the incentives for small farmers to stay on their lands, and Mexican urban areas are overpopulated. Experience has taught that migration flows are easier to start than stop.^ieng

Still sons of the shaking earth: Mexicans and Guatemalans in the East Coast migrant labor stream.

The author reports on a survey of 375 undocumented migrants from Guatemala and Mexico working along the U.S. mid-Atlantic coast. The focus was on "documenting sojourning versus settling behaviors and intentions of migrants from Latin American homelands and assessing risk for acquiring and transmitting AIDS, sexual, and communicable diseases by internationally commuting migrants.... The researchers also sought to learn why migrants come to the east coast and how living here is different from [other] parts of the country...."

[Is migration really a survival strategy? The case of northern Oaxacan Mixteca]. / Es realmente la migracion una estrategia de supervivencia? Un ejemplo en la Mixteca Alta Oaxaquena.

"Since the 1950s more than 15 million Mexicans predominantly from the southern states of Guerrero and Oaxaca have...migrated to the United States. The article describes the patterns of migration in a Mixteco community of Oaxaca, where 90% of the men and a growing number of women migrate once a year to the United States for illegal seasonal work. The analysis of the causes and effects of migration focuses on the non-economic aspects of this phenomenon and emphasizes the ideological and social motives for migrating, especially those related to ethnic identity and to the establishment of indigenous communities in the Mexican Nation-State." (SUMMARY IN ENG)

[End of the borders? Undocumented migration from Mexico to the United States]. / Fin de las fronteras? La migracion indocumentada de Mexico hacia Estados Unidos.

PIP: This is an analysis of trends in illegal labor migration between Mexico and the United States from 1924 to 1986. Data are primarily from the 1984 Encuesta a Trabajadores Indocumentados Devueltos de Estados Unidos, supplemented by more recent studies.^ieng