ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: In this article, I utilize the concept of the Plantationocene as an analytical framework to generate a holistic and historical understanding of the present-day struggles of a mostly Haitian migrant workforce on sugar plantations in the Dominican Republic. METHODS: Inspired by Paul Farmer's methodology, I combine political economy, history, and ethnography approaches to interpret the experiences of sugarcane cutters across historical and contemporary iterations of colonial, post-colonial, and neo-colonial practices over the course of five centuries. RESULTS: My findings elucidate the enduring power of capitalism, implicating corporate and state elites, as the structural scaffolding for acts of racialized violence that condition the life-and-death circumstances of Black laborers on Caribbean plantations to this day. Although today's sugarcane cutters may suffer differently than their enslaved or wage labor ancestors on the plantation, I argue that an unfettered racialized pattern of lethal exploitation is sustained through the structural violence of neoliberalism that links present conditions with the colonial past. CONCLUSIONS: Ultimately, this paper contributes understandings of the plantationocene's enduring effects in the global south by demonstrating how imperialist arrangements of capitalism are not a distant memory from the colonial past but instead are present yet hidden and obscured while relocated and reanimated overseas to countries like the Dominican Republic, where American capitalists still exploit Black bodies for profit and power.
Subject(s)
Ethnicity , Sugars , Humans , Dominican Republic , Haiti , CapitalismABSTRACT
Art and science is an area of research that has strengthened recently, mainly due to the impact of interdisciplinary work. At the same time, approaches between the humanities and the sciences have succeeded in re-signifying traditional views towards critical positions such as postcolonialism, especially in the colonially so-called "Global South". In this paper, we want to review the case of the work of the Mexican artist Octavio Ocampo through works that present the case of biological and cultural evolution. From this, we want to reflect on the public perception of science in Mexico, the tensions between social and natural sciences, and the urgent need to strengthen the postcolonial discourse in scientific practice.
Subject(s)
Humanities , MexicoABSTRACT
Abstract As globalization accelerated after 1492, often in the service of European imperial expansion, human destruction of the habitat in which animals could express their natural behaviors also increased. Within this context, the question arises: just how much are we like other animals, and if they are like us, how much do we owe them? From the 1500s to the 1800s, travelers, imperialists, the colonized, and intellectuals tried to answer this question and produced three positions: animals as mere exploitable devices; confusion about animals' status and what we owe them, and concern about the suffering of nonhuman animals, their freedom to express their behaviors, and their very existence.
Resumen A medida que la globalización aceleró después de 1492, generalmente en el servicio de la expansión imperial europea, también aumentó la destrucción humana del hábitat en el que los animales podían expresar sus comportamientos naturales. En este contexto, surgió la siguiente pregunta: ¿cuánto nos parecemos a los demás animales y, si ellos son como nosotros, cuánto les debemos? Desde 1500 hasta 1800, viajeros, imperialistas, colonizados e intelectuales intentaron responder a esta pregunta y formularon tres posiciones: los animales como meros dispositivos explotables; confusión sobre el estado de los animales y lo que les debemos; y la preocupación por el sufrimiento de los animales no humanos, su libertad para expresar sus comportamientos y su propia existencia.
Subject(s)
Behavior, Animal , Animals , Dominance-SubordinationABSTRACT
This article provides a critical overview of the structural forces exacerbating risk related to disasters in the Caribbean. It focuses on the historical antecedents and socio-environmental consequences of extreme weather events across the region via an anti-colonial analysis of Hurricanes Irma and Maria in 2017 and Dorian in 2019. The authors contend that the logics, practices and debts of colonial-capitalist development, neoliberal exploitation and post-independence corruption continue to reduce resilience and threaten public health in the region. They also detail the role that political economy and social geography play in the face of disasters. They end by proposing that future critiques of and solutions to vulnerability, disaster, and catastrophe in the Caribbean be more attentive to the historical trajectories of imperialism, debt and 'underdevelopment'.
ABSTRACT
This paper considers economic development in Puerto Rico following its annexation by the United States in 1898, a watershed moment in the history of the island and the pinnacle of American imperialism in Latin America. Drawing on data from three surveys, I show that male height in Puerto Rico increased at more than twice the average rate for Latin America and the Caribbean between 1890 and 1940. I also show that Puerto Ricans at mid-century were among the tallest Latin Americans outside of Argentina and Uruguay. The evidence supports the conclusion that conditions improved substantially after US annexation, in contrast to the prevailing view in the literature.
Subject(s)
Body Weights and Measures , Economic Development/history , Economic Development/statistics & numerical data , Adult , Aged , Hispanic or Latino , History, 19th Century , History, 20th Century , Humans , Latin America/epidemiology , Male , Middle Aged , Population Dynamics , Puerto Rico/ethnology , Socioeconomic Factors , United States/epidemiologyABSTRACT
O propósito deste artigo é o de propor uma análise que contribua para apreensão dos principais elementos que determinam a conjuntura brasileira atual, desde as principais dinâmicas econômicas que evidenciam o painel da barbárie que acompanha a tentativa de retomada do circuito de valorização do capital até os elementos mais coetâneos, que atam este contexto mais amplo com os particulares acontecimentos e processos que podem distinguir a atual conjuntura brasileira. Ademais, o objetivo adicional deste artigo é o de pensarmos sobre os processos de resistência, tendo como referência temporal o ano de 2019.
The purpose of this paper is to propose an analysis that contributes to the apprehension of the main elements that determinates the current Brazilian conjuncture, from the main economic dynamics that evidences the barbarism panel that follows the attempt of restarting the capital appreciation cycle to the most contemporaneous elements, which ties this broader context with particular events and processes that can distinguish the current Brazilian conjuncture. Moreover, the additional objective of this article is to think about the resistance processes, having as a temporal reference the year 2019.
Subject(s)
Sociology , Government , Politics , Latin AmericaABSTRACT
OBJECTIVES: Stable carbon and nitrogen isotope analysis is used to reconstruct diet among a pre-Hispanic population from the Peruvian Andes to evaluate whether local foodways changed with Wari imperial influence in the region. This study also compares local diet to other Wari-era sites. MATERIALS AND METHODS: Samples derive from the site of Beringa in Peru and correspond primarily to pre-Wari (200-600 CE) and Wari (600-1,000 CE). We examine stable carbon isotopes from enamel (n = 29) and bone apatite (n = 22), and stable carbon and nitrogen isotopes from bone collagen (n = 29), and we present stable carbon and nitrogen isotope data on archaeological and modern fauna (n = 37) and plants (n = 19) from the region. RESULTS: There were no significant differences in either δ13 C or δ15 N from the pre-Wari to Wari era, indicating that those measurable aspects of diet did not change with Wari influence. There were no sex-based differences among juveniles (as inferred from δ13 C from enamel carbonates) nor among adults (based on δ13 C and δ15 N from adult bone collagen). Comparisons to other Wari era sites show that Beringa individuals exhibited significantly lower δ13 C values, suggesting that they consumed significantly less maize, a socially valued food. Further, the Froehle et al. (2012) stable isotope model suggests that the majority of the Beringa individuals consumed more C3 than C4 plants, and dietary protein was derived primarily from terrestrial animals and some marine resources. CONCLUSIONS: The similar diets from pre-Wari to Wari times hint at strong local dietary traditions and durable food trade networks during the period of Wari imperial influence. The presence of limited marine foods in the diet suggests a trade network with coastal groups or sojourns to the coast to gather marine resources.
Subject(s)
Carbon Isotopes/analysis , Diet/history , Indians, South American/statistics & numerical data , Nitrogen Isotopes/analysis , Adolescent , Adult , Animal Shells , Animals , Archaeology , Bone and Bones/chemistry , Child , Child, Preschool , Collagen/chemistry , Dental Enamel/chemistry , Female , History, Ancient , History, Medieval , Humans , Infant , Male , Middle Aged , Peru , Young AdultABSTRACT
RESUMO O "giro decolonial" ao adaptar o argumento pós-colonial para a América Latina, compreende que a colonialidade é a face oculta e constitutiva da modernidade. Ao constatar criticamente que o problema do imperialismo é subdesenvolvido pelos seus principais teóricos, lanço as seguintes indagações: é possível pensar na relação entre colonialidade e modernidade, sem a dinâmica da "imperialidade"? Como explicar a reprodução das novas formas de colonialismo sem a consideração das novas formas de imperialismo? Neste artigo, assim, proponho o conceito de Imperialidade como uma lacuna que impede a explicação dos mecanismos de reprodução da colonialidade. Ao entendê-la como lógica do imperialismo, constitutiva e relacional da colonialidade, observo ainda que as estratégias de descolonização devem ser muito mais dirigidas à "Imperialidade" do que à modernidade propriamente dita. A informalidade, invisibilidade e nebulosidade dos mecanismos contemporâneos de Imperialidade reproduzem o imperialismo sem império através da governança sem governo no contexto global.
ABSTRACT In an adaptation of the postcolonial argument for Latin America, the giro decolonial [decolonial shift] suggests that coloniality is the hidden and constitutive face of modernity. By critically claiming that the problem of imperialism is under developed by its main theorists, I would like to ask the following series of questions: can the relationship between coloniality and modernity be considered without the dynamic of "imperality"? How can the reproduction of new forms of colonialism be accounted for without a consideration of the new forms of imperialism? In order to address such questions, I therefore propose the concept of imperality as a void hindering an explanation for the mechanisms propagating coloniality. By understanding it as the logic of imperialism, which is an integral part of, and directly related to, coloniality, I further observe that the strategies of decolonization should be targeted at "imperiality" rather than modernity itself. The informality, invisibility, and nebulosity of the contemporary mechanisms of imperiality reproduce an empire-less imperialism in the global context by means of government-less governance.
RÉSUMÉ Le "virage décolonial", en adaptant l'argument postcolonial à l'Amérique latine, suggère que la colonialité constitue la face caché et constitutive de la modernité. Si l'on part de la constatation critique de ce que le problème de l'impérialisme est sous-estimé par ses principaux théoriciens, les questions suivantes se posent: est-il possible de penser la relation entre colonialité et de la modernité sans y inclure la dynamique de l'"impérialité"? Comment expliquer la reproduction des nouvelles formes de colonialisme sans prendre en compte les nouvelles formes d'impérialisme? Dans cet article, je proposerai ainsi le concept d'Impérialité en tant que lacune empêchant l'explication des mécanismes de reproduction de la colonialité. Si l'on entend cette impérialité comme logique de l'impérialisme constitutive et indissociable de la colonialité, on verra que les stratégies de décolonisation doivent s'adresser d'abord à elle plutôt qu'à la modernité proprement dite. L'informalité, l'invisibilité et la nébulosité des mécanismes contemporains de l'impérialité reproduisent dans le contexte global un impérialisme sans empire au moyen d'une gouvernance sans gouvernement.
RESUMEN El "giro decolonial", al adaptar el argumento poscolonial a América Latina, comprende que la colonialidad es la cara oculta y constitutiva de la modernidad. Una vez constatado críticamente que el problema del imperialismo ha sido poco desarrollado por sus principales teóricos, planteo las siguientes cuestiones: ¿Es posible concebir la relación entre colonialidad y modernidad sin la dinámica de la "imperialidad"? ¿Cómo explicar la reproducción de las nuevas formas de colonialismo sin tener en consideración las nuevas formas de imperialismo? Por tanto, en este artículo, propongo el concepto de imperialidad como una laguna que impide explicar los mecanismos de reproducción de la colonialidad. Al entenderla como lógica del imperialismo, constitutiva y relacional de la colonialidad, observo además que las estrategias de descolonización deben estar mucho más dirigidas a la "imperialidad" que a la modernidad propiamente dicha. La informalidad, la invisibilidad y la nebulosidad de los mecanismos contemporáneos de imperialidad reproducen el imperialismo sin imperio a través de la gobernanza sin gobierno en el contexto global.
ABSTRACT
O artigo constitui um ensaio livre, no qual se busca abordar alguns aspectos ou faces das relações entre biopolítica, biotecnologias e biomedicina, perspectivando-os em referência a um quadro de fundo mais amplo, a saber: o de um niilismo eminentemente biopolítico, característico do novo capitalismo que tomou vulto aproximadamente desde a segunda metade da década de 1970, e que é neoliberal, globalizado, transnacional, financeiro e conexionista. O artigo está dividido em duas partes. Na primeira, são examinados, sem pretensões exaustivas, por um lado, alguns fatores considerados relevantes ao estabelecimento de novos agenciamentos entre biopolítica e biotecnologias, e, por outro, continuidades e rupturas a serem observadas no exercício da biopolítica, na transição entre as sociedades modernas, regidas por uma lógica disciplinar, e as sociedades contemporâneas, regidas por uma lógica do controle. Os estudos e pesquisas de Nikolas Rose são, para tanto, privilegiados como intercessores importantes para as considerações feitas. Na segunda parte, por sua vez, o artigo busca descrever, caracterizar, diferenciar e comentar, mesmo que de forma sucinta, três distintas versões de "projetos imortalistas", isto é, de projetos que envolvem uma articulação entre biopolítica, biotecnologias e biomedicina, constituídos no período que se estende do início do século XX até o nosso presente, com o intuito de driblar, contornar, evitar, ou superar a morte, isto é, a finitude humana.
The article is a free trial in which it seeks to address some aspects or faces of the relationship between biopolitics, biotechnology and biomedicine, viewing them in reference to a wider background picture, namely of a highly bio-political nihilism, characteristic of the new capitalism that has taken shape since about the second half of the 1970s, which is neoliberal, globalized, transnational, financial and connectionist. The article is divided into two parts. In the first one, without extensive claims, on one hand, some factors considered relevant to the establishment of new assemblages between biopolitics and biotechnologies are examined, and on the other, continuities and ruptures to be observed in the exercise of biopolitics, the transition between modern societies governed by a disciplinary logic, and contemporary societies, governed by a control logic. Nikolas Rose's studies and researches are, therefore, privileged as important intercessors for the considerations made. In the second part, the article seeks to describe, characterize, distinguish and comment, even briefly, three different versions of "immoralist's projects", i.e. projects involving a link between biopolitics, biotechnology and biomedicine, in a period extending from the early twentieth century to our present, in order to bypass, contour, avoid or overcome death, that is, human finitude.
Este artículo es un ensayo libre al cual se busca abordar algunos aspectos de las relaciones entre biopolítica, biotecnología y biomedicina, haciendo una perspectiva en referencia a un cuadro de fondo más amplio, eso es: lo de un nihilismo eminentemente biopolítico, característico del nuevo capitalismo que tomó cara aproximadamente desde la segunda mitad de la década de 1970, que es neoliberal, globalizado, transnacional, financiero y conectistas. El artículo está dividido en dos partes. En la primera son examinados, sin pretensiones agotadoras, por un lado, algunos puntos considerados relevantes al establecimiento de nuevos negocios entre biopolítica y biotecnologías, y, por otro, continuidades y roturas que serán observadas en el ejercicio de la biopolítica, en la transición entre las sociedades modernas, regidas por una lógica disciplinar, y las sociedades contemporáneas, regidas por una lógica del control. Los estudios e investigaciones de Nikolas Rose son privilegiados como intercesores importantes para las consideraciones hechas. En la segunda parte, por su vez, el artículo busca describir, caracterizar, diferenciar y comentar, aunque de forma resumida, tres diferentes versiones de "proyectos imortalistas", es decir, proyectos que envuelven una articulación entre biopolítica, biotecnologías y biomedicina, constituidos en el período que va del inicio del siglo XX hasta nuestro presente, con el objetivo de driblar, contornear, evitar o superar la muerte, es decir, la finitud humana.
L'article constitue un libre essay dont le but est analyser quelques aspects des relations entre biopolitique, biotechnologie et biomédecine à partir d'une perspective d'un contexte plus large : un nihilisme éminemment biopolitique caractéristique du nouveau capitalisme qui a apparu dès la deuxième moitié de la décade de 1970, le néolibéral, globalisée, transnational, financier et connexioniste. L'article a deux parties. À la première partie, d'un côté, quelques facteurs considérés importants à la nouvelle articulation entre biopolitique et biotechnologie sont examinés sans des prétentions épuisantes et, d'autre côté, examiner aussi les continuités et ruptures vues à l'exercice de la biopolitique à la transition entre les sociétés modernes, dirigées par la logique de la discipline, et les sociétés contemporaines régies par la logique du contrôle. Les études et les recherches de Nikolas Rose sont la base théorique privilégié des considérations faites. À la deuxième partie, l'article a le but de décrire, caractériser, différencer et commenter, d'une manière concise, trois différentes versions des « projets immortalistes ¼, c'est-à-dire, des projets qui présentent l'articulation entre biopolitique, biotechnologie et biomédecine, constitués à la période du début du XXe siècle jusq'aujourd'hui avec l'intention de dépasser, contorner, éviter ou surpassar la mort, la finitude humaine.
Subject(s)
Humans , Male , Female , Biotechnology , Biomedical TechnologyABSTRACT
Este ensaio versa sobre ataques aos direitos humanos e à política social, apesar da força discursiva que, contemporaneamente, ambos passaram a ter. Tais agressões se acentuaram com o fim da bipolaridade entre Estados Unidos (EUA) e ex-União Soviética (URSS), no final dos anos 1980, com a autodissolução da URSS, em 1991, e com a transformação dos EUA em superpotência mundial. Contudo, ao se transformar, os Estados Unidos, em alvo de atos terroristas, supostamente praticados por países pobres, a pobreza foi criminalizada e transformada em inimigo número um. Isso explica o desmonte dos direitos humanos, notadamente os sociais, e das políticas publicas que visam concretizá-los.
This article deals with the attacks to human rights and to social policies, in spite of their discursive power contemporarily. Such attacks were stressed by the end of the bipolarity between the United States (USA) and the ex-Soviet Union (USSR) at the end of the 1980's, by the USSR's self-dissolution in 1991, and by the transformation of the USA into a world superpower. However, when the USA became target of terrorist attacks, supposedly committed by poor countries, poverty was criminalized and became enemy number one. That fact explains the disassembling of the human rights, mainly the social ones, and of the public policies which aim at implementing them.
ABSTRACT
El presente artículo resultado de investigación, pretende aportar elementos clave, que den cuenta de los nexos entre libre comercio y la violación permanente de los derechos humanos e incluso con delitos de lesa humanidad; situaciones que no se constituyen en hechos aislados, circunstanciales y producto de la simultaneidad aparente entre delincuencia en abstracto, desarrollada en zonas donde se proyectan y desarrollan proyectos estratégicos para la economía global, sino en un asunto relacionado, provocado, sostenido por los grupos económicos, políticos tanto nacionales como internacionales que ganan con estos mega-proyectos.
This article, as a result of research, aims to provide key elements, which take into account the links between the free trade and the permanent violation of the human rights and even with crimes against humanity; situations that do not constitute themselves in isolated, circumstantial facts, which are the product of the apparent simultaneousness between crime in abstract, developed in areas where strategic projects for the global economy are projected and developed, but in a matter related, caused, sustained by both national and international economic, political groups that make a profit with these mega-projects.
ABSTRACT
Analisa a bibliografia sobre Nelson Rockefeller e a atuação no Brasil da American International Association for Economic and Social Development. Expõe interpretações otimistas sobre as ações de Rockefeller e da agência, bem como a corrente de pensamento que o caracterizou como um dos principais representantes do imperialismo norte-americano, seja como representante político na década de 1960, seja como idealizador de atividades de interesse privado. Procura demonstrar que as ações individuais ou da agência coadunavam com as elites locais, que influenciavam o remodelamento e a operacionalização dos projetos de cooperação técnica.
The article analyzes the bibliography on Nelson Rockefeller and the activities of the American International Association for Economic and Social Development in Brazil. It describes optimistic interpretations of Rockefeller's and the association's work, as well as the nationalist stream of thought, which characterized him as one of the chief representatives of U.S. imperialism, both as a political representative in the 1960s and as the mind behind endeavors of interest to the private sector. It is shown that at the individual and agency levels alike, these initiatives involved direct ties to the local elites, who influenced the reshaping and operationalization of technical cooperation projects.
Subject(s)
Humans , History, 20th Century , Technical Cooperation , Charities , Biobibliography , Government Programs , International Cooperation , United States , Brazil , Latin AmericaABSTRACT
Este escrito de investigación, esboza los aspectos centrales que pueden ayudar a comprender la importancia geopolítica del territorio colombiano en la guerra mundial por los recursos, el punto de partida indispensable para entender las guerras de agresión contra los pueblos que hoy adelantan las potencias imperialistas, encabezadas por los Estados Unidos.
This research brief outlines the core aspects that can help understand the geopolitical importance of the Colombian territory in the world war for the natural resources, being the essential starting point to understand the wars of aggression against the peoples today, by the imperialist powers, led by the United States.
Subject(s)
Humans , Lobbying , Social Control Policies , Politics , Public Policy/trendsABSTRACT
Este artículo estudia el periodo denominado por los historiadores como el gran siglo XIX o siglo XIX largo, que comprende todo el siglo XIX más las décadas que antecedieron y acompañaron a la Primera Guerra Mundial y que corresponde con la expansión y consolidación del imperialismo clásico. Desde la perspectiva de la salud pública, es importante por la transición de la higiene pública a la moderna salud pública, caracterizada ya hacia 1880 por el advenimiento de la teoría bacteriológica y su influencia en las medidas de sanidad estatal. El surgimiento de la salud pública y la medicina estatal en América Latina es una consecuencia lógica de la instauración de modos de producción capitalista en los países del continente, ya que las relaciones sociales y económicas de los individuos con el Estado fueron duramente afectadas y transformadas por los procesos de incipiente industrialización y consolidación del modelo de producción capitalista, lo cual implicó la consolidación de un cuerpo burocrático y un aumento de la intervención en la vida de los ciudadanos por la vía de las políticas sociales. En Colombia, la burguesía en el poder respondió a los problemas de salud pública (apoyada por la Fundación Rockefeller), como las distintas epidemias de viruela, cólera, malaria o fiebre amarilla, que recorrieron con mayor o menor severidad el país desde los litorales Atlántico o Pacífico hasta el interior con el riesgo de diezmar las poblaciones obreras y afectar el intercambio comercial del país con Estados Unidos.
This article analyzes the period that historians call the Big or Long XIX Century, which encompasses, besides the XIX century, the preceding decades and the decades of World War I. It corresponds to the expansion and consolidation of classic imperialism. From the public health perspective, the Big XIX century is important with the beginning of bacteriological theory in 1880 and the transition from hygiene to public health with governments controlling sanitary. The appearance of state medicine in the Latin American region is a logical consequence of the implementation of capitalist modes of production given that the social and economic relationships between the people and the state were harshly affected and transformed by the incipient industrialization and consolidation of the capitalist production model. The state apparatus consolidated a bureaucratic body and increased its intervention in citizens everyday lives via social policies. In the case of Colombia, the beginning of hygiene practices and, later on, of bacteriology occurred in particular ways. This can be observed along the XIX century, a period in which the bourgeoisie in power responded, supported by the Rockefeller Foundation, mostly to episodic events such as the smallpox, cholera, malaria or yellow fever epidemics, which run through the country with different degrees of severity from both the Atlantic and Pacific coasts towards the interior of the country, threatening to reduce the population of workers and to affect the commercial exchange of the country with the United States.
Subject(s)
Public Health/history , Social Security , Public PolicyABSTRACT
The dissertation explores the evolution of the Trinidadian and Tobagonian health system from 1939, the beginning of the Second World War, so pivotal to the country's development, to the year of independence from British rule, 1962. It focuses specifically on how the expansion has been facilitated and hindered by colonial forces and has influenced the movement towards independence. This work assesses specifically the changes in morbidity, medical facilities and personnel while examining the relationship of traditionalism and modernity and the external, socio-economic and political influences to ascertain the catalysts and consequences of change in health in Trinidad and Tobago. It establishes the period as the most progressive in health and health care but spotlights the issues of underdevelopment as part of a greater colonial legacy of conformity and resistance. It looks closely at the issue of decolonisation and its role as a catalyst in development in health and medical care, but also as a perpetuating force of dependence, a direct contradiction of this principle. This work establishes the experiences in this sector as a microcosm of the colony's overall state as it evolved from colonialism to independence. The history of health in the Caribbean has been explored mainly as a facet of other prominent historical periods, such as enslavement, or topics, such as economic history. This dissertation establishes the history of health and medicine in the West Indies, and specifically in Trinidad and Tobago, as a significant subject in its own right, providing concrete evidence of its impact in shaping the society and reflecting the challenges and triumphs of a country in transition.