ABSTRACT
PIP: 20% of the world's population is aged 10-19 years. Annually, almost 15 million young women under age 20 become mothers. However, surveys in developing countries show that 20-60% of the pregnancies and births to women under age 20 are mistimed or unwanted. While later marriage age in many places has provoked a decline in birth rates among young women, levels of sexual relations before marriage are increasing. Such sexual behavior opens sexually active young women to the risks of unwanted pregnancies, unsafe abortion, and sexually transmitted diseases (STDs). Millions of young people become infected with STDs annually. Among all age groups in the US, young women aged 15-19 have the highest incidence of gonorrhea among females and young men aged 15-19 have the second highest incidence among males. At least half of all people infected with HIV are under age 25. The UNDP/UNFPA/WHO/World Bank Special Program of Research, Development, and Research Training in Human Reproduction (HRP) completed 9 studies in 1996 on adolescent reproductive health. 14 studies were completed before 1996, and 18 are still underway.^ieng
Subject(s)
Adolescent , Health Services Research , Pregnancy in Adolescence , Pregnancy, Unwanted , Reproductive Medicine , Risk-Taking , Sexual Behavior , Sexually Transmitted Diseases , United Nations , Africa , Africa South of the Sahara , Africa, Western , Age Factors , Americas , Asia , Asia, Southeastern , Behavior , Central America , Demography , Developing Countries , Disease , Asia, Eastern , Fertility , Guatemala , Health , Infections , International Agencies , Korea , Latin America , Nigeria , North America , Organizations , Philippines , Population , Population Characteristics , Population Dynamics , Research , Thailand , VietnamABSTRACT
PIP: The many young people worldwide who are sexually active need correct knowledge on pregnancy and sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) so that they may take appropriate and effective measures to prevent them. However, recent studies of young people's sexual behavior conducted in Korea, Guatemala, Nigeria, the Philippines, Thailand, and Vietnam found that knowledge about sexuality, reproduction, and contraception does not always lead young people to practice safe sex. A study in Korea of male students and industrial workers found that while 96-99% knew that AIDS can be transmitted through sexual intercourse with an infected person and over 90% knew that condoms can prevent pregnancy and the transmission of STDs, only 39-48% of those sexually experienced reported using a condom during their most recent episode of sexual intercourse. Of those who were sexually experienced, 80% of industrial workers and 73% of students reported having had sex with a prostitute. Almost all sampled adolescents in Guatemala had heard of AIDS, but the young men reported only sporadic condom use. This discrepancy between knowledge and condom use observed in the other country studies is reported.^ieng
Subject(s)
Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome , Adolescent , Condoms , HIV Infections , Health Behavior , Knowledge , Sexual Behavior , Africa , Africa South of the Sahara , Africa, Western , Age Factors , Americas , Asia , Asia, Southeastern , Behavior , Central America , Contraception , Demography , Developing Countries , Disease , Family Planning Services , Asia, Eastern , Guatemala , Korea , Latin America , Nigeria , North America , Philippines , Population , Population Characteristics , Thailand , Vietnam , Virus DiseasesABSTRACT
South Korea and Cuba are dissimilar in religion, economy, culture and attitudes toward premarital sexual relations. In 1960, Korea instituted a national family planning programme to combat rapid population growth. Cuba explicitly rejected Malthusian policies, but made family planning universally available in 1974 in response to health needs. Both countries have undergone rapid fertility declines and today have less than replacement level fertility. Both countries have also used a similar mixture of methods, including a high prevalence of female sterilisation. Abortion has played a major role in the fertility decline of both countries, rising in the first half of the fertility transition and then falling, although remaining a significant variable in the second half. It is concluded that access to contraception, voluntary sterilisation, and safe abortion has a direct impact on fertility and has been associated with a rapid fall in family size in two very different countries.
PIP: It is argued that access to contraception, voluntary sterilization, and safe abortion had a direct impact on fertility decline in two countries (Cuba and Korea) that differed in religion, economic conditions, culture, and attitudes. Both countries achieved below replacement fertility through high rates of contraceptive prevalence and ready access to legal abortion. Family planning services were provided in both countries through the public sector and in Korea through a subsidized private sector. Fertility decline in both countries occurred at the same time as the initiation of family planning programs. Family planning was introduced in Korea in order to reduce population growth and in Cuba in order to reduce the incidence of induced abortion and not for demographic reasons. Both Korea and Cuba had successful family planning programs over the past ten years that combined awareness, accessibility, and perceived quality. Korea adopted legal abortion as a means of reducing high maternal mortality rates and fertility. Cuba adopted legal abortion, during a period when the government lacked hard currency and consumer items such as birth control pills. Even antibiotics were difficult to obtain, particularly for teenagers. Both countries worked to improve services for teenagers. The experiences with family planning in both countries provide support for the theory that socioeconomic forces are not needed to push fertility lower. It is suggested that access to reversible and permanent contraception and safe abortion increases the speed of the transition and permits lower fertility than would otherwise be achieved without formal family planning programs. Fertility decline occurred in Korea under rising incomes and Cuba experienced declines during a period of economic declines. Both countries need to expand options for reducing exposure to pre-union adolescent pregnancies.
Subject(s)
Birth Rate/trends , Cross-Cultural Comparison , Family Planning Services/trends , Population Growth , Cuba/epidemiology , Family Characteristics , Female , Health Knowledge, Attitudes, Practice , Humans , Infant, Newborn , Korea/epidemiology , Male , Pregnancy , Sexual Behavior , Social ValuesABSTRACT
PIP: Family Health International's (FHI) research and development activities in improving and developing contraceptives and making them available to the public are presented. While FHI, along with other agencies, has been actively promoting and contributing to ongoing international family planning efforts since its creation in 1971, the period 1971-91 has, nonetheless, witness more births, maternal deaths, induced abortions, and infant deaths than over any 20-year span in history. While family sizes have decreased over the period due to greater contraceptive awareness and use, politicians, civil servants, and theologians are indicted as partly responsible for retarding further positive change. The number of women of reproductive ages in developing countries will increase by almost 30% in the 1990s, and the world's population will at least double over the next century. 95% of new births will stem from developing countries. Concerted efforts and global commitments of policymakers must be forthcoming in the battle against both high fertility and AIDS prevention. Specifically, at least 130 million new contraceptive users must be recruited in the 1990s. Surveys and field experiences indicate a large degree of unmet need for contraceptive services, with 50-80% of married women in developing countries expressing their desire to limit or space future births. Demand for contraception only increases once a program is in place; rapid reductions of total fertility are exemplified in the cases of Thailand, Colombia, South Korea, Sri Lanka, and Indonesia. Given the resources and commitment, the number of users could be doubled within 10 years.^ieng
Subject(s)
Abortion, Induced , Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome , Administrative Personnel , Birth Intervals , Child, Unwanted , Contraception , Developing Countries , Family Characteristics , HIV Infections , Health Planning , Health Resources , Health Services Needs and Demand , Infant Mortality , International Cooperation , Maternal Mortality , Organizations , Philosophy , Population Dynamics , Population Growth , Program Development , Religion , Research , Americas , Asia , Asia, Southeastern , Birth Rate , China , Colombia , Conservation of Natural Resources , Demography , Disease , Economics , Environment , Family Planning Services , Asia, Eastern , Fertility , Indonesia , Korea , Latin America , Mortality , Organization and Administration , Population , South America , Sri Lanka , Technology , Thailand , Virus DiseasesABSTRACT
"This paper proposes a simple method for evaluating death registration completeness during intercensal periods. It is easier to implement than alternative methods but its main advantage is making explicit the dependence of results on the quality of readily observed demographic variables. Applications are made to data from South Korea and Argentina."
Subject(s)
Death Certificates , Evaluation Studies as Topic , Methods , Research Design , Vital Statistics , Americas , Argentina , Asia , Developing Countries , Asia, Eastern , Korea , Latin America , Population Characteristics , Research , South AmericaABSTRACT
PIP: The Association for Voluntary Surgical Contraception (AVSC) has contributed to the realization of large declines in fertility rate in Brazil, South Korea, Thailand, and Kenya. Each country exhibits unique statistical characteristics with Brazil, South Korea, and Thailand approaching most closely the 2.1 children/woman fertility rate of more developed countries. With 2/3 of married reproductive-age women using some form of family planning, Brazil's fertility rate has dropped from 5.8 in 1970 to 3.3 in 1985. 275 of these women opted for voluntary sterilization accounting for an estimated 16% decline in the fertility rate. Continuing trends in the sterilization rate suggest that almost 60% of Brazilian women will be sterilized by their 40th birthday. South Korea showed strong declines in fertility rate during the period 1968-88 from 5.4 to 1.6. More than 3/4 of married reproductive couples used contraception in 1988, with greater than 42% of these opting for sterilization. Survey data from Thailand in 1985-86 yielded a fertility rate of 2.2. 65.5% of married Thai women used contraceptives, with 29% of this group choosing sterilization. Kenya has realized increased use of family planning by married women over the period 1984-89 from 17% to 27%, with a corresponding decrease in fertility rate from 7.7 to 6.7. Use of sterilization as the preferred method of contraception has risen from 2.6% to 4.7% over the period. AVSC's interventions have included funding and supporting service provider training, counseling seminars, surgical equipment and technical assistance, equipment repair services, informational material development, and the encouragement of greater use of vasectomy.^ieng
Subject(s)
Birth Rate , Health Planning , Sterilization, Reproductive , Africa , Africa South of the Sahara , Africa, Eastern , Americas , Asia , Asia, Southeastern , Brazil , Demography , Developing Countries , Family Planning Services , Asia, Eastern , Fertility , Kenya , Korea , Latin America , Organization and Administration , Population , Population Dynamics , South America , ThailandABSTRACT
"Many developing nations have introduced policies designed to slow the rate of population growth of their largest cities. This article argues that there is a strong case for an explicit experimental or adaptive approach in policy design. Using the examples of Sao Paulo in Brazil and Seoul in South Korea, it is argued that coordinated trial and error methods with appropriate monitoring, evaluation, and policy revision can prove beneficial, especially given the high levels of uncertainty which surround both the objectives and the contexts of urbanization policies in most countries."
Subject(s)
Developing Countries , Population Dynamics , Public Policy , Urbanization , Americas , Asia , Brazil , Demography , Emigration and Immigration , Asia, Eastern , Geography , Korea , Latin America , Population , South America , Urban PopulationABSTRACT
PIP: This paper estimates the instantaneous demand for children during each month of the reproductive span. It does so by analyzing survey data on the desire to conceive as a function of 2 variables: parity and months elapsed since entry to each parity. Based on the estimates of the instantaneous demand for children, the paper develops a unified model for estimating desired conception waits, desired birth intervals, number of births wanted over a lifetime, the desired level of contraceptive prevalence, and the unmet need for contraception. The model is applied to Ecuador, Ghana, Malaysia and the Republic of Korea. In 3 of the 4 countries, substantial numbers of women desire very long birth intervals; if that preference for long birth intervals were realized, fertility would be substantially reduced. In all 4 countries there is a fraction of women whose desired conception wait is so short as to endanger maternal health and raise child mortality. In all 4 countries, the mean number of children that women would bear if they conceived only when they wanted to is very much lower than the contemporaneous total fertility rate and is substantially lower than desired family size. The estimates indicate that if women fully implemented their postponing and terminating preferences, fertility would decline by 58% in Ecuador, 25% in Ghana, 42% in Malaysia and 31% in the Republic of Korea. The level of contraceptive prevalence that would come into being if women implemented their postponing and terminating preferences is much higher than the actual level of contraceptive prevalence, thus indicating high levels of unmet need for contraceptives. These findings have implications for population policy in the areas of maternal health and child mortality, fertility and family planning.^ieng
Subject(s)
Birth Intervals , Birth Rate , Contraception Behavior , Family Characteristics , Fertility , Health Services Needs and Demand , Models, Theoretical , Parity , Prevalence , Time Factors , Africa , Africa South of the Sahara , Africa, Western , Americas , Asia , Asia, Southeastern , Contraception , Demography , Developed Countries , Developing Countries , Economics , Ecuador , Family Planning Services , Asia, Eastern , Ghana , Korea , Latin America , Malaysia , Population , Population Dynamics , Research , Research Design , South AmericaABSTRACT
PIP: The misinterpretations which can occur when cross sectional data rather than longitudinal data is used to assess patterns of migrant adjustment are demonstrated in a cross sectional, comparative study of housing quality among natives, recent migrants, and longterm migrants in Bogota, Colombia; Seoul, South Korea; and Surabaya, Indonesia. In cross sectional studies, duration of residence is used as a substitute for change over time, and observed differences in adjustment between recent and longterm migrants are generally attributed to length of residence. In actuality, these differences may be the result of changing patterns of selective migration (i.e., earlier migrants may have more education or higher skill levels on arrival or less education or lower skills levels on arrival than more recent migrants) or of selective remigration (i.e., the less successful migrants may leave the community and only the most succcessful go on to become longterm migrants or the most successful leave and only the least successful become longterm migrants). In other words, observed improvements or deteriorations in the socioeconomic status of recent and longterm migrants may reflect changes in migration patterns rather than changes brought about by the length of exposure to the urban environment. In the present investigation, information on a number of control and background variables was collected in order to determine the degree to which differences in housing quality among recent and longterm migrants were influenced by changing patterns of selective migration and by selective remigration. The cities represented diverse cultural and socioeconomic conditions. A multistaged cluster probability sample of male and female, recent and longterm migrants and natives were interviewed in each city. The respondents were 20-44 years of age, and the total sample size was 730 for Bogota, 978 for Seoul, and 606 for Surabaya. A distinctive, but comparable, housing quality index was constructed for each city. Control variables included marital status, age, household size, sex and a number of background variables, such as, education and farm/nonfarm origin. Information on housing investments and residential changes was also collected. For all 3 cities the mean differences in housing quality were slightly, but significantly, better for natives than for migrants. Housing quality for recent and longterm migrants was then compared using the control variables and multiple classification analysis. In Bogota and Seoul housing quality improved with duration of residence, but the relationship was not significant. Further analysis and information about remigration patterns in these cities suggested that, for Bogota, the relationship was influenced slightly by the fact that recent migrants tended to be more educated than earlier migrants and by the fact that there was a tendency for successful migrants to remigrate. However, some improvements appeared to be due to duration of residence. In Seoul the factors influencing the relationship were more difficult to assess, but the conclusion was reached that only a slight improvement in housing occurred over time. In Surabaya housing quality was significantly better for longterm migrants than for recent migrants among migrants with a farm background. The reverse pattern was observed among migrants with a nonfarm background, but this relationship was not significant. Further analysis and a knowledge of local migration patterns suggested that the relationship observed for those with a farm background was influenced by remigration of migrants with low socioeconomic status and that housing quality for migrants in Surabaya had not improved over time.^ieng
Subject(s)
Cross-Sectional Studies , Economics , Emigration and Immigration , Housing , Multivariate Analysis , Population Dynamics , Research , Socioeconomic Factors , Statistics as Topic , Time Factors , Transients and Migrants , Americas , Asia , Asia, Southeastern , Colombia , Demography , Developed Countries , Developing Countries , Asia, Eastern , Geography , Indonesia , Korea , Latin America , Population , Residence Characteristics , South AmericaABSTRACT
PIP: The purpose of this article is to estimate the components of metropolitan population growth in selected developing countries during 1960-1970 period. The study examines population growth in 26 cities: 5 are in Africa, 8 in Asia, and 13 in Latin America, using data from national census publications. These cities in general are the political capitals of their countries, but some additional large cities were selected in Brazil, Mexico, and South Africa. All cities, at the beginning of the 1960-1970 decade had over 500,000 population; Accra, the only exception, reached this population level during the 1960s. Some cities had over 4 million residents in 1970. Net migration contributed about 37% to total metropolitan population growth; the remainder of the growth is attributable to natural increase. Migration has a much stronger impact on metropolitan growth than suggested by the above figure: 1) Several metropolitan areas, for various reasons, are unlikely to receive many migrants; without those cities, the share of metropolitan growth from net migration is 44%. 2) Estimates of the natural increase of migrants after their arrival in the metropolitan areas, when added to migration itself, changes the total contribution of migration to 49% in some metropolitan areas. 3) Even where net migration contributes a smaller proportion to metropolitan growth than natural increase, the rates of net migration are generally high and should be viewed in the context of rapid metropolitan population growth from natural increase alone. Finally, the paper also compares the components of metropolitan growth with the components of growth in the remaining urban areas. The results show that the metropolitan areas, in general, grow faster than the remaining urban areas, and that this more rapid growth is mostly due to a higher rate of net migration. Given the significance of migration for metropolitan growth, further investigations of the effects of these migration streams, particularly with respect to in-migration and out-migration, would greatly benefit understanding of the detailed and interconnected process of population growth, migration, employment and social welfare of city residents.^ieng
Subject(s)
Demography , Developing Countries , Economics , Emigration and Immigration , Population Dynamics , Population Growth , Population , Social Planning , Transients and Migrants , Urban Population , Urbanization , Africa , Algeria , Americas , Argentina , Asia , Birth Rate , Brazil , Central America , Chile , Colombia , Developed Countries , Evaluation Studies as Topic , Geography , Ghana , Hong Kong , Indonesia , Iran , Korea , Latin America , Mexico , Mortality , North America , Peru , Philippines , Population Characteristics , Population Density , Singapore , Socioeconomic Factors , South Africa , South America , Syria , Thailand , VenezuelaABSTRACT
PIP: This study is concerned with the dynamics of labor force composition in selected countries bordering the Pacific. The estimates presented are based on national definitions of urban and rural places and of the labor force and are derived primarily from published U.N. data. Variations in labor force composition and in urbanization levels by country are discussed. Countries considered include Canada, Costa Rica, Ecuador, Japan, the Republic of Korea, Nicaragua, Peru, the Philippines, and the United States.^ieng
Subject(s)
Employment , Occupations , Rural Population , Urban Population , Urbanization , Americas , Asia , Canada , Costa Rica , Demography , Developed Countries , Developing Countries , Economics , Ecuador , Geography , Health Workforce , Japan , Korea , Nicaragua , Peru , Philippines , Population , Population Characteristics , Research , Social Class , Socioeconomic Factors , United StatesABSTRACT
PIP: In this paper, the authors compared various models for estimating the covariates of childhood mortality. Specifically, we examined how much precision is lost as various pieces of information such as dates of birth and death for each child are discarded. The conclusion reached is that even incomplete mortality data of the type collected in household surveys or censuses can yield estimates which are very close to those based on the much richer wealth of data collected in detailed maternity histories. 2 substantive conclusions of interest are that in the 2 countries (Sri Lanka and Korea) which were examined, education of the father has a significant and pronounced effect on childhood mortality even when mother's education is controlled, and once other covariates are controlled, there is no difference between urban and rural childhood mortality. (author's modified)^ieng
Subject(s)
Educational Status , Infant Mortality , Mortality , Population Dynamics , Socioeconomic Factors , Demography , Economics , Korea , Population , Rural Population , Social Class , Sri Lanka , Urban PopulationABSTRACT
"The commitment to population programs is now widespread," says Rafael Salas, Executive Director of the UNFPA, in its report "State of World Population." About 80% of the total population of the developing world live in countries which consider their fertility levels too high and would like them reduced. An important impetus came from the World Conference of 1974. The Plan of Action from the conference projected population growth rates in developing countries of 2.0% by 1985. Today it looks as though this projection will be realized. While in 1969, for example, only 26 developing countries had programs aimed at lowering or maintaining fertility levels, by 1980 there were 59. The International Population Conference, recently announced by the UN for 1984, will, it is hoped, help sustain that momentum. Cuba is the country which has shown the greatest decline in birth rate so far. The birth rate fell 47% between 1965-1970 and 1975-1980. Next came China with a 34% decline in the same period. After these came a group of countries--each with populations of over 10 million--with declines of between 15 and 25%: Chile, Colombia, India, Indonesia, the Republic of Korea, Malaysia and Thailand. Though birth rates have been dropping significantly the decline in mortality rates over recent years has been less than was hoped for. The 1974 conference set 74 years as the target for the world's average expectation of life, to be reached by the year 2000. But the UN now predicts that the developing countries will have only reached 63 or 64 years by then. High infant and child mortality rates, particularly in Africa, are among the major causes. The report identifies the status of women as an important determinant of family size. Evidence from the UNFPA-sponsored World Fertility Survey shows that in general the fertility of women decreases as their income increases. It also indicates that women who have been educated and who work outside the home are likely to have smaller families. Access to contraceptives is, of course, a major influence on fertility decline. According to UNFPA some of the Latin American countries have the highest contraceptive use among developing countries. The countries of Asia come next and contraceptives are least used in sub-Saharan Africa where birth rates of 45/1000 are still common. The money for population programs, says the report, has come largely from developing countries themselves. A survey of 15 countries showed them to have contributed 67% out of their own budgets--the rest having come from external aid. And in programs aided by UNFPA the local input has been even higher. During 1979-1981 the developing countries themselves budgeted $4.6 for each dollar budgeted by UNFPA. The report also highlights some of the emerging problems for the next 2 decades--and which will be high on the agenda of the 1984 conference. These include "uncontrolled urban growth" in developing countries as well as an important change in overall population age structure as more and more old people survive. Aging populations are of particular concern to the developed countries but, as the report points out, even countries like China--which has achieved a steep drop in fertility and mortality--will face the problems of an aging population by the year 2000.
Subject(s)
Birth Rate , Evaluation Studies as Topic , Population Control , Population Dynamics , Chile , Colombia , Cuba , Demography , Family Characteristics , Fertility , India , Indonesia , Korea , Malaysia , Population , Public Policy , ThailandSubject(s)
Contraception , Fertility , Adult , Bangladesh , Female , Health Knowledge, Attitudes, Practice , Humans , Korea , Mexico , Socioeconomic FactorsABSTRACT
PIP: An elaboration of Preston's (Preston and Hill, 1980) procedure for determining the completeness with which deaths are recorded in approximately stable populations is presented. Both the procedures of Preston and that of Brass are conventionally limited to mortality beyond early childhood, to mortality above age 5 or age 10. The method considered here is based on characteristics of stable populations, i.e., populations that have been subject for a long time to little variation in age-specific mortality schedules or in overall levels of fertility. The essential features of a stable population are maintained even if fertility has changed. This is the case as long as no strong trend in fertility existed more than 15 or 20 years before the date at which the population is observed. Recent changes in fertility may affect the structure of the population at adult ages, but the effect on estimates of completeness of death records can generally be kept within tolerably narrow limits. Prior to showing how explicit estimates of the relative completeness of recording of numbers of deaths and persons can be derived from counts of deaths and persons by age, it is noted that a life table for a stable population can be constructed directly from the recorded distribution of deaths by age, or from the recorded distribution of persons. The procedures described are applied to several different populations in order to illustrate the computational steps necessary to estimate the completeness of death records at ages above childhood in populations that are approximately stable.^ieng
Subject(s)
Demography , Life Tables , Mortality , Statistics as Topic , Vital Statistics , Americas , Asia , Central America , China , Developing Countries , El Salvador , Asia, Eastern , Korea , Latin America , North America , Population , Population Characteristics , Population Dynamics , ResearchABSTRACT
PIP: Recent evidence from the U.S. and from other selected countries is examined on parent sex preferences for their children and how strongly these are held. This involves the significance of these preferences, the social and economic conditions that foster different types of preferences, and how different individuals and societies deal with them. The traditional preference for boys appears to remain nearly universal, which runs contrary to the ideal of "every child a wanted child," and also presents an obstacle to desired declines in fertility in developing countries where sons are still perceived as needed for economic and emotional security. This tendency has been turned around in Japan, Singapore, Hong Kong, and the U.S., where small families are now the ideal. 3 basic approaches to the scientific selection of sex-specific sperm for preselection, the timing of sexual intercourse, the separation of male- and female-bearing sperm followed by artificial insemination, and selective abortion after fetal sex determination indicate that an effective and practical method of sex control is still further off than predicted.^ieng
Subject(s)
Research , Sex , Socioeconomic Factors , Africa , Argentina , Asia , Asia, Southeastern , Asia, Western , Bangladesh , Behavior , Birth Rate , Chile , China , Demography , Economics , Europe , Europe, Eastern , Asia, Eastern , Hong Kong , Hungary , India , Israel , Japan , Korea , Latin America , Malaysia , Mortality , Nigeria , North America , Nuclear Family , Psychology , Sex Preselection , Social Values , South America , Taiwan , Time Factors , United StatesABSTRACT
PIP: 28 countries with different characteristics have been selected in order to observe the amount of time it takes for these different countries to reach stable age distributions. The individual populations by sex and age were projected for 150 years in 5-year intervals with the present constant mortality and fertility schedules by component method. Observations have been made by considering the following characteristics of population when it has acquired stability: age distribution; the rate of growth, birthrate, and mortality rate; the population change; the intrinsic rate of growth, birthrate and mortality rate; and approximate time taken to stabilize the population. The initial age distribution has a significant part in the amount of time it takes for a population to acquire stability, and its intrinsic rate of growth is mostly dependent upon the existing age distribution of that population. The time taken for a country's population to become stable depends upon the age distribution, fertility and mortality schedules at the beginning. It has been observed that countries having a higher intrinsic rate of growth take comparatively less time in acquiring stability than the countries having a lower intrinsic rate of growth. The mortality and fertility schedules of a country is another important phenomenon. The populations of the different countries at the point of stability were growing according to their rates of growth. No specific trend of population growth could be found among the groups of countries. Time taken for stabilizing the population is completely based upon age distributions, fertility and mortality schedules a particular country was having at the beginning. The range of time taken for different countries to acquire stability generally ranged from 100 to 135 years. Among the different countries the relationship for the time it takes to acquire stability has not been established. This is a hypothetical approach in order to obtain some idea as to how a population with different characteristics acts in the long run when some of its characteristics are assumed to be constant.^ieng
Subject(s)
Age Factors , Birth Rate , Models, Theoretical , Population Growth , Africa , Asia , Asia, Southeastern , Asia, Western , Australia , Austria , Bulgaria , Central America , Chile , Costa Rica , Demography , Europe , Europe, Eastern , Asia, Eastern , Fertility , France , Germany, East , Germany, West , Greece , Hungary , India , Indonesia , Israel , Japan , Korea , Latin America , Luxembourg , Mortality , Pacific Islands , Pakistan , Philippines , Population , Population Characteristics , Population Dynamics , Research , Romania , Singapore , South Africa , South America , Sri Lanka , Statistics as Topic , Switzerland , Taiwan , United KingdomABSTRACT
PIP: In both developing and developed nations it has become easier to obtain oral contraception (OC). Generally, this means that the OC becomes available without a doctor's prescription and/or sources from outside a pharmacy. Sometimes there is no charge for the OC. In the People's Republic of China barefoot doctors distribute OC free of charge. Fiji, Israel, Korea and Pakistan have removed the prescription requirement. In India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Sri Lanka, and Turkey private family planning clinics distribute the OC on prescription but free of charge. Specially trained and registered midwives distribute OCs in Chile and Antigua has also recently lifted the prescription requirement. Free OC is available to low income women in Jamaica, Costa Rica and Peru. In Egypt family planning centers distribute the OC free and without prescription. The United Kingdom is making OCs available free-of-charge through the National Health Service. OCs are free in France. In the U.S. government agencies have provided free OCs to low-income women in government health centers and have subsidized free pills for distribution in private family planning clinics. In Canada and in the Democratic Republic of Germany, OCs are distributed free, on prescription, to low-income women.^ieng
Subject(s)
Contraceptives, Oral , Delivery of Health Care , Antigua and Barbuda , Canada , China , Contraception , Costa Rica , Egypt , Family Planning Services , France , Germany, West , Health Planning , India , Indonesia , Israel , Jamaica , Korea , Malaysia , Organization and Administration , Pakistan , Peru , Sri Lanka , Turkey , United Kingdom , United StatesABSTRACT
PIP: This article discusses Frejka's analysis of alternative paths to zero population growth. A net reproduction rate (NRR) of 1 is a vital step in reaching zero growth, but because of age distribution variances, it does not necessarily represent zero growth. The projections described here include: 1)the immediate path of achieving NRR of 1 in 1970-1975: 2)rapid path of an NRR of 1 in 2000-2005: and 3)slow path of NRR of 1 in 2040-2045. The population of the world in the year 2000 would be respectively: 5,700,000,000; 6,000000,000; and 7,000,000,000. Zero growth would be reached in 2000 for the immediate path; in 2100 with a population of 8,000,000,000 in the rapid path; and in 2045 with a population of 15,000,000,000. Individual projections are also given for several countries on different continents.^ieng
Subject(s)
Birth Rate , Demography , Mortality , Population Dynamics , Population Growth , Africa , Argentina , Asia , Asia, Southeastern , Bangladesh , Brazil , Canada , Caribbean Region , China , Dominican Republic , Egypt , Europe , Europe, Eastern , Asia, Eastern , Fertility , Greece , Hong Kong , Hungary , India , Japan , Kenya , Korea , Latin America , Mexico , Mongolia , Netherlands , Nigeria , North America , Pacific Islands , Pakistan , Population , Population Density , Research , Social Sciences , South America , Statistics as Topic , Sweden , Taiwan , USSR , United StatesABSTRACT
PIP: Investigators in 5 countries collaborated with the Population Council to study the use-effectiveness of a new intrauterine contraceptive -- a T-shaped inert plastic device modified to bear 200 mm of exposed copper surface. After clinical trials in Santiago, Chile, the TCu-200 was tested on a total of 6257 women in the U.S.A., Colombia, Iran, Korea, Taiwan, and Thailand from May to November 1971. Postacceptance data are available for 95.3%, most of whom were interviewed at home 6 to 13 months after the initial insertion. For women with 1,2, or 3 living children at the time of acceptance, copper-T had higher continuation rates than Lippes Loop acceptors in the same countries. For women with 4 or more living children at the time of acceptance, continuation rates for the T device were only slightly higher, or the same, as those for the Lippes Loop. Pregnancy and expulsion rates for the copper-T were below those for the loop. Because of the uncertainty of the effective life of the copper, it is currently recommended that the device be replaced every 2 years, which would seem to limit it as a preferred device in mass family planning programs. However, recent evidence indicates that the antifertility effect of the copper-T device may last longer than 2 years.^ieng