Corrigendum: Eliciting ERP Components for Morphosyntactic Agreement Mismatches in Perfectly Grammatical Sentences.

[This corrects the article DOI: 10.3389/fpsyg.2019.01152.].

Distinguishing Old From New Referents During Discourse Comprehension: Evidence From ERPs and Oscillations.

In this EEG study, we used pre-registered and exploratory ERP and time-frequency analyses to investigate the resolution of anaphoric and non-anaphoric noun phrases during discourse comprehension. Participants listened to story contexts that described two antecedents, and subsequently read a target sentence with a critical noun phrase that lexically matched one antecedent ('old'), matched two antecedents ('ambiguous'), partially matched one antecedent in terms of semantic features ('partial-match'), or introduced another referent (non-anaphoric, 'new'). After each target sentence, participants judged whether the noun referred back to an antecedent (i.e., an 'old/new' judgment), which was easiest for ambiguous nouns and hardest for partially matching nouns. The noun-elicited N400 ERP component demonstrated initial sensitivity to repetition and semantic overlap, corresponding to repetition and semantic priming effects, respectively. New and partially matching nouns both elicited a subsequent frontal positivity, which suggested that partially matching anaphors may have been processed as new nouns temporarily. ERPs in an even later time window and ERPs time-locked to sentence-final words suggested that new and partially matching nouns had different effects on comprehension, with partially matching nouns incurring additional processing costs up to the end of the sentence. In contrast to the ERP results, the time-frequency results primarily demonstrated sensitivity to noun repetition, and did not differentiate partially matching anaphors from new nouns. In sum, our results show the ERP and time-frequency effects of referent repetition during discourse comprehension, and demonstrate the potentially demanding nature of establishing the anaphoric meaning of a novel noun.

Eliciting ERP Components for Morphosyntactic Agreement Mismatches in Perfectly Grammatical Sentences.

The present event-related brain potential (ERP) study investigates mechanisms underlying the processing of morphosyntactic information during real-time auditory sentence comprehension in French. Employing an auditory-visual sentence-picture matching paradigm, we investigated two types of anomalies using entirely grammatical auditory stimuli: (i) semantic mismatches between visually presented actions and spoken verbs, and (ii) number mismatches between visually presented agents and corresponding morphosyntactic number markers in the spoken sentences (determiners, pronouns in liaison contexts, and verb-final "inflection"). We varied the type and amount of number cues available in each sentence using two manipulations. First, we manipulated the verb type, by using verbs whose number cue was audible through subject (clitic) pronoun liaison (liaison verbs) as well as verbs whose number cue was audible on the verb ending (consonant-final verbs). Second, we manipulated the pre-verbal context: each sentence was preceded either by a neutral context providing no number cue, or by a subject noun phrase containing a subject number cue on the determiner. Twenty-two French-speaking adults participated in the experiment. While sentence judgment accuracy was high, participants' ERP responses were modulated by the type of mismatch encountered. Lexico-semantic mismatches on the verb elicited the expected N400 and additional negativities. Determiner number mismatches elicited early anterior negativities, N400s and P600s. Verb number mismatches elicited biphasic N400-P600 patterns. However, pronoun + verb liaison mismatches yielded this pattern only in the plural, while consonant-final changes did so in the singular and the plural. Furthermore, an additional sustained frontal negativity was observed in two of the four verb mismatch conditions: plural liaison and singular consonant-final forms. This study highlights the different contributions of number cues in oral language processing and is the first to investigate whether auditory-visual mismatches can elicit errors reminiscent of outright grammatical errors. Our results emphasize that neurocognitive mechanisms underlying number agreement in French are modulated by the type of cue that is used to identify auditory-visual mismatches.

Local and global semantic integration in an argument structure: ERP evidence from Korean.

The neural responses of Korean speakers were recorded while they read sentences that included local semantic mismatch between adjectives (A) and nouns (N) or/and global semantic mismatch between object nouns (N) and verbs (V), as well as the corresponding control sentences without any semantic anomalies. In Experiment 1 using verb-final declarative sentences (Nsubject [A-N]object V), the local A-N incongruence yielded an N400 effect at the object noun and a combination of N400 and a late negativity effect at the sentence final verb, whereas the global N-V incongruence yielded a biphasic N400 and P600 ERP pattern at the verb compared with the ERPs of same words in the control sentences respectively; in Experiment 2 using verb-initial object relative clause constructions ([Nsubject _V]rel [A-N]object …..) derived from the materials of Experiment 1, the effect of local incongruence changed notably such that not only an N400 but also an additional P600 effect was observed at the object noun, whereas the effect of the global incongruence remained largely the same (N400 and P600). Our theoretical interpretation of these results specifically focused on the reason for the P600 effects observed across different experiment conditions, which turned out to be attributable to (i) coordination of a semantic conflict, (ii) prediction disconfirmation, or (iii) argument structure processing breakdown.