When do climate change legislation and clean energy policies matter for net-zero emissions?

Achieving the global decarbonization goal under global conflicts is becoming more uncertain. Within this context, this article seeks to examine the effects of global environmental management and efforts to achieve this goal. Specifically, it investigates the role of democracy, control of corruption, and civil society participation as mechanisms that moderate the impact of environmental policy and legislation, particularly clean energy policy and climate change legislation (laws and regulations), on carbon emissions in highly polluted countries. The empirical results show that (i) the effects of democracy-clean energy policies and climate change legislation are relatively small in reducing carbon emissions; (ii) the effect of controlling corruption-climate change regulations is strong in reducing emissions, meaning that governments with higher control of corruption are more effective at enacting and executing laws and regulations dealing with environmental challenges which help achieve desirable environmental outcomes; (iii) strong civil society participation helps the execution of clean energy policies and climate change legislation to curb emissions, and (iv) the robustness check also provides strong evidence that higher control of corruption can contribute to the effectiveness of these policies and legislation in reducing carbon emissions. Overall, these findings suggest that the efficiency of well-designed environmental policy and legislation should be supported by a combination of higher civil society participation and greater control of corruption that can efficiently enforce such policies and legislation.

Economic growth and environmental technology simultaneously important for reducing energy poverty and ecological footprint in E7 economies: do political institutions play a role?

Energy poverty and climate change are major concerns for the emerging seven countries. Therefore, this study explores the economic growth impact on reducing energy poverty and ecological footprint in the emerging seven economies from 2000 to 2019. Energy poverty is measured using three disciplines: availability poverty, accessibility poverty, and affordability poverty. We applied a new dynamic method, "bias-corrected method of moments estimators (2021)," for long-run outcomes. This study used the environmental Kuznets curve-approach to measure economic growth's scale effect and technique effect to reduce energy poverty and ecological footprint. Importantly, the study explores the mediating role of politically stable institutions in mitigating environmental and energy poverty. Our findings validate that energy poverty and ecological footprint could not reduce at the initial stage of economic growth. However, the later development stage shows a positive effect on reducing energy poverty and ecological footprint. These results validated an inverted U-shaped Kuznets curve hypothesis for emerging seven. Further, the result found that strong political systems are more quick-witted and have the legislative power to swiftly implement beneficial policies to pull out of the vicious circle of energy poverty. Further, environmental technology significantly reduced energy poverty and ecological footprint. The causality analysis entails that a bidirectional exists between energy poverty, income, and ecological footprint.

Fatal asymmetries The conflicting relationship between political institutions and natural selection.

In Descent of Man, Charles Darwin noted the impact of political institutions on natural selection. He thought that institutions such as asylums or hospitals may deter natural selection; however, he did not reach a decisive answer. Questions remain as to whether the selective impacts of political institutions, which in Darwin's terms may be referred to as "artificial selection," are compatible with natural selection, and if so, to what extent. This essay argues that currently there appears to be an essential mismatch between nature and political institutions. Unfitted institutions put exogenous and disproportionate pressures on living beings. This creates consequences for what is postulated as the condition of basic equivalence, which allows species and individuals to enjoy similar chances of survival under natural circumstances. Thus, contrary to Darwin's expectations, it is sustained that assumed natural selection is not discouraged but becomes exacerbated by political institutions. In such conditions, selection becomes primarily artificial and perhaps mainly political, with consequences for species' evolutionary future.

The Link Between a Husband's Trust in Informal Institutions and Domestic Violence Against His Wife: Evidence From Pakistan.

The global and national push to strengthen informal institutions' role in increasing rural households' access to justice has often met with skepticism in South Asia. This is because the impact of such initiatives on women's welfare is debatable in many contexts due to reports of informal institutions' hostile and oppressive behavior toward women. This study contributes to this debate by presenting the first empirical evidence of gender difference in trust in informal village institutions. The study also tests the relationship between a husband's trust in informal institutions and his tendency to commit physical violence against his wife. It uses the Pakistan Rural Household Panel Survey datasets of more than 2,000 households from three provinces (Punjab, Sindh, and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa) of Pakistan. Trust in local political institutions is measured by (a) respondent's reliance on village institutions for handling general community affairs and maintaining law and order and (b) respondent's perceptions of local government's effectiveness in dispute settlement and ensuring public security. Men's and women's trust in informal village institutions and their perceptions of these institutions' legitimacy do not significantly differ in most cases. Women exhibit a greater trust and confidence in informal institutions that hold regular resident meetings than in those that do not. The results also reveal a significant negative relationship between a husband's trust in informal institutions and the incidence of physical violence against his wife. Greater trust in informal institutions has a significant positive correlation with a husband's psychological well-being, his relationship with family, and his perceptions of institutional legitimacy. The findings imply that well-performing informal institutions work as an indirect deterrent for domestic violence in the study areas of Pakistan.

Ensuring the ordinary: Politics and public service in municipal primary care in India.

This paper examines the political embeddedness of public-sector primary care in urban India. The low quality of urban healthcare in many low- and middle-income countries is well documented. But there is relatively little analysis showing how the politics of urban healthcare delivery contribute to quality shortfalls. This study integrates urban and political theory and draws on ethnographic fieldwork in municipal government-run primary care clinics in Pune, India. I conceptualize Pune's municipal doctors as street-level bureaucrats: frontline state agents charged with delivering public services, who regularly confront conflicts between their mandate and its realization in practice. I observe how the municipal doctors experience and respond to these conflicts; delineate the historical design of the municipal institutions in which they operate; and interview doctors, nurses, nonclinical staff, administrators, and elected officials, who collectively shape primary care delivery in municipal clinics. My findings show how the doctors' work is characterized by routine departures from public service ideals. The departures stem from local electoral politics (politicians' patronage and clientelistic relations with municipal employees and patients) and weak administrative capacity (misuse and incompetent planning of public resources). The doctors are compelled to follow extra-policy directives, meaning instructions that have little to do with healthcare goals and that emphasize the political utility rather than medical purpose of their work. In response, the doctors circumscribe their clinical practice. They aim, as one doctor put it, only to "ensure the ordinary," or to sustain a deficient status quo. In these conditions, improving quality of care requires not just behavioral interventions targeted at doctors. It requires normative, social, and organizational shifts in public service planning and delivery so that doctors are positioned - materially and affectively - to meet urban healthcare challenges in low-resource contexts.

Climate change and state evolution.

Despite the vast evidence on the short-run effects of adverse climate shocks on the economy, our understanding of their long-run impact on institutions is limited. To tackle such a key issue, a vast body of research has focused on ancient societies because of the limited complexity of their economies and their unparalleled experience with environmental and institutional change. Notably, the "collapse archaeology" literature has reported countless correlations consistent with the mantra that severe droughts are bound to trigger institutional crises. This conclusion, however, has been recently challenged by a stream of papers that, building on more detailed data on Bronze Age Mesopotamia and a more credible theory-based empirical strategy, have yielded the following two results. First, severe droughts pushed the elites to grant strong political and property rights to the nonelites to convince them that a sufficient part of the returns on joint investments would be shared via public good provision and, thus, to cooperate and accumulate a culture of cooperation. Second, a more favorable climate allowed the elites to elicit cooperation under less inclusive political regimes as well as a weaker culture of cooperation and, possibly, incomplete property rights. These patterns emphasize the importance of considering the asymmetric effect of droughts and, more generally, combining natural and social sciences for the evaluation of climate-related policies.

Agenda dynamics in Latin America: theoretical and empirical opportunities / Dinámica de la Agenda de Políticas Públicas en América Latina: oportunidades teóricas y empíricas / Dinâmicas da agenda de políticas públicas na América Latina: oportunidades teóricas e empíricas

Abstract The Comparative Agendas Project (CAP) collects, organizes, and makes freely available millions of bits of information concerning the objects of government attention over long periods of time (often back to the Second World War) for more than 25 political systems, worldwide. As researchers affiliated with the CAP expand their projects into Latin America, they confront some challenges similar to those from other regions, and some unique to their national political systems. In this introductory essay, we explore the background of the CAP and the opportunities posed by its expansion into Latin American political systems.

Resumen: El Comparative Agendas Project (CAP, por sus siglas en inglés) recopila, organiza y pone a disposición de forma gratuita millones de datos sobre los temas que han sido priorizados por parte de políticos y gobernantes en más de 25 sistemas políticos de todo el mundo. Estas bases de datos abarcan un período de tiempo largo, que en la mayoría de casos comienza tras el fin de la Segunda Guerra Mundial). Los investigadores que desarrollan proyectos siguiendo la metodología del CAP en América Latina tienen que hacer frente a los desafíos comunes que los investigadores han encontrado al analizar la agenda política, a otros exclusivos de los sistemas políticos de los países de esta región. En este ensayo introductorio, exploramos los antecedentes del CAP y las oportunidades que se presentan con su expansión a los sistemas políticos latinoamericanos.

Resumo O Comparative Agendas Project (CAP) coleta, organiza e disponibiliza gratuitamente milhões de dados sobre os temas que têm chamado a atenção de governos em mais de 25 sistemas políticos de todo mundo. Os dados disponíveis compreendem um longo período desde a Segunda Guerra Mundial. Na expansão de seus projetos para a América Latina, os pesquisadores ligados ao CAP enfrentam, além de desafios comuns aqueles encontrados globalmente, outras adversidades particulares dos sistemas políticos adotados nas nações da região. Neste ensaio introdutório, exploramos os antecedentes do CAP e as oportunidades que se apresentam com sua expansão aos sistemas políticos latino-americanos.

A novel dataset on a culture of cooperation and inclusive political institutions in 90 European historical regions observed between 1000 and 1600.

A culture of cooperation, which is the implicit reward from cooperating in any prisoner's dilemma and investment types of activity, and inclusive political institutions, which enable the citizenry to better select public-spirited representatives and check their decisions, are key for economic development. To foster research on the determinants and impact of these institutions, we illustrate a novel data set employed in [1] and [4] and gathering a measure of the activity of the Cistercians and the Franciscans, which is a proxy for the citizens' culture, and a constraints on the elite's decision-making power score, which is a proxy for the inclusiveness of political institutions, for a panel of 90 European historical regions spanning the 1000-1600 period.

Political Institutions and the Comparative Medicalization of Abortion.

Comparative-historical research on medicalization is rare and, perhaps for that reason, largely ignores political institutions, which tend to vary more across countries than within them. This article proposes a political-institutional theory of medicalization in which health care policy legacies, political decentralization, and constitutionalism shape the preferences, discourses, strategies, and influence of actors that seek or resist medicalization. The theory helps explain why abortion has been more medicalized in Britain than the United States. The analysis finds that the American medical profession, unlike its British counterpart, focused on defending private medicine rather than protecting its power to "diagnose" the medical necessity of abortions; that American political decentralization aided the establishment of abortion on request by encouraging strategic innovation and learning that shaped social movement strategies, medical issue avoidance, and the growth of nonhospital clinics; and finally, that constitutionalism promoted rights discourses that partially crowded out medical ones.

Climate change policies: The role of democracy and social cognitive capital.

The impact of democracy on governments' choice of environmental policies has attracted significant academic attention in recent years. However, less attention has been devoted to the role of the social cognitive capital of the national population. Does society's cognitive capital matter in governmental choice regarding environmental policies, if at all? This study addresses this question through a large-N analysis of 94 countries accounting for the role of both political regimes and social capital in governmental choice of climate change policies. We find that higher social cognitive capital within a democratic state radically increases that state's commitment to adopt environmental policies. More specifically, a 1-point increase in the democracy index is associated with nearly 5 points increase in the adoption of the Climate Laws, Institutions and Measures Index (CLIMI). In a similar vein, a 10 points increase in social cognitive capital is associated with a nearly 16 points increase in CLIMI. The findings presented in this study aim to contribute to the ongoing debate on the impact of democracy and the cognitive capital of society on international environmentalism. The findings will also be interesting for scholars working on the impact of political institutional factors and the role of society in environmental policy choices made at the international level.

Tenancy, Marriage, and the Boll Weevil Infestation, 1892-1930.

In the early twentieth century, the cotton-growing regions of the U.S. South were dominated by families of tenant farmers. Tenant farming created opportunities and incentives for prospective tenants to marry at young ages. These opportunities and incentives especially affected African Americans, who had few alternatives to working as tenants. Using complete-count Census of Population data from 1900-1930 and Census of Agriculture data from 1889-1929, we find that increases in tenancy over time increased the prevalence of marriage among young African Americans. We then study how marriage was affected by one of the most notorious disruptions to southern agriculture at the turn of the century: the boll weevil infestation of 1892-1922. Using historical Department of Agriculture maps, we show that the boll weevil's arrival reduced the share of farms worked by tenants as well as the share of African Americans who married at young ages. When the boll weevil infestation altered African Americans' opportunities and incentives to marry, the share of African Americans who married young fell accordingly. Our results provide new evidence about the effect of economic and political institutions on demographic transformations.

The Political and Community Context of Immigrant Naturalization.

Becoming a citizen is a component of a larger process of immigrant incorporation into U.S. society. It is most often treated as an individual-level choice, associated with such personal characteristics as the duration of residence in the U.S., age, education, and language acquisition. This study uses microdata from Census 2000 in conjunction with other measures to examine aspects of the community and policy context that influence the choices made by individuals. The results confirm previous research on the effects of individual-level characteristics on attaining citizenship. There is also strong evidence of collective influences: both the varied political histories of immigrant groups in their home country and the political and community environment that they encounter in the U.S. have significant impacts on their propensity of naturalization.

Aids, política e sexualidade: refletindo sobre as respostas governamentais à aids na África do Sul e no Brasil / Aids, politics and sexuality: analyzing government responses to aids in Brazil and South Africa

Este artigo é uma tentativa de refletir sobre as respostas governamentais à epidemia de Aids a partir de dois casos contraditórios: Brasil e África do Sul. A partir do exame das trajetórias da epidemia em ambos os países e da ampla literatura escrita sobre o tema, busca-se entender o porquê de ações governamentais tão díspares em países que são, do ponto de vista socioeconômico, relativamente semelhantes. A hipótese aqui sustentada é que as inter-relações entre instituições políticas e processos mais amplos de construção da identidade nacional podem explicar as distintas respostas governamentais e iluminar a complexa relação entre Aids, sexualidade, raça e identidade nacional no Brasil e na África do Sul.

This paper attempts to analyze the governmental responses to Aids epidemic in two conflicting cases: Brazil and South Africa. Drawing on the examination of Aids epidemic's trajectories in both countries and the extensive literature about that thematic, we try to comprehend the reason for such diversified governmental responses to those similar sociopolitical contexts. The paper supports that the inter-relations between political institution and wider processes of nation-building can explain such different governmental responses to Aids and illuminate the complex relationship between Aids, sexuality, race and national identity in Brazil and South Africa.

O impacto dos mecanismos de urgência no sucesso presidencial: uma análise do caso argentino à luz da experiência brasileira / The impact of urgency mechanisms on presidential success: an analysis of the Argentinean case in the light of Brazilian experience

The purpose of the article is to measure, in the light of the Brazilian experience, the influence of the micro institutions regulating the Executive's governmental capacity in Argentine. The empirical basis informing the argumentation is the processing of the statutes approved by the Argentinean Legislative between 1983 and 1998. The empirical evidences showed that the proposed bills originated from the Executive do not have a special course in the Legislative, what reduces their chances of approval even in a context of disciplined parties, contrary to the expected by a substantial part of the compared literature in the area.

Dans cet article, on cherche à mesurer l'influence des micro-institutions qui règlent le processus décisionnel, sur la capacité de gouverner du pouvoir exécutif en Argentine à la lumière de l'expérience brésilienne. La base empirique de nos arguments est le type d'acheminement des projets approuvés par le pouvoir législatif argentin entre 1983 et 1998. Les résultats empiriques révèlent que les projets issus du pouvoir exécutif ne disposent pas d'un acheminement particulier, ce qui réduit leurs chances d'être approuvés même là où les partis sont disciplinés. Ces résultats contrarient ce qu'on trouve dans la plupart de la littérature comparée.