Searching for a democratic equalizer: Citizenship education's moderating effect on the relationship between a political home and internal political efficacy.

Internal political efficacy (IPE) is an important yet unequally distributed driver of political action. Following cultural sociological explanations for political disengagement, we study how students' political home environment reproduces inequalities in IPE and how citizenship education moderates this. We test whether citizenship education compensates, reproduces, or accelerates inequalities in IPE due to differences in one's political home environment. These moderating effects are tested for three components of citizenship education; the number of civic learning experiences, open classroom climate for discussion, and active student participation at school. We consider the school a potential equalizer and a segregated breeding ground for democracy. Based on multilevel analyses employing cross-sectional data (3838 students across 147 schools) gathered to test the attainment targets in citizenship education among Flemish senior high school students (Belgium), we show that privileged students receive more citizenship education. However, each citizenship education component increases IPE and has a small yet significant compensation effect. This paper makes theoretical and empirical contributions to the literature on inequalities in political socialization processes while critically investigating the school's functioning as a democratic equalizer.

What is in the news today? How media-related affect shapes adolescents' stance towards the EU.

INTRODUCTION: Adolescence is regarded as a formative period for political development. One important developmental context is media. Negatively perceived political media content can foster populistic attitudes, which in turn decreases support of political institutions, such as the European Union (EU). As media valence effects are short-lived, this study examined intra-individual associations of media valence with European identity commitment and affect towards the EU, as well as indirect effects via populistic attitudes across 10 days. METHODS: We implemented a 10-day daily diary study with 371 adolescents from Germany (January to February 2022). Adolescents were on average 14.24 years old (SD = 0.55) and 60.4% were female. We estimated the hypothesized associations using multilevel structural equation models and dynamic structural equation models. RESULTS: We found significant associations between populistic attitudes and negative affect towards the EU on the same day and the next day. The lagged effect became nonsignificant, when including both same day and lagged effects into one model. Populistic attitudes were not significantly associated with European identity commitment within days or across days. Negative media content was associated with higher populistic attitudes on the same day and indirectly associated with negative affect towards the EU (b = -.01, 95% credible interval [-0.010, -0.004]). CONCLUSION: Negatively perceived political media content was associated with higher populistic attitudes and more negative affect towards the EU concurrently. Our results imply that media plays an important role for adolescents' development.

Intersectional politicization: A facet of youth activists' sociopolitical development.

This article explores the sociopolitical development (SPD) of youth activists involved in climate justice and gun violence prevention movements. Interviews with 52 youth members of five different youth-led activist organizations and follow-up surveys supplied the data. We found that involvement in youth-led activist organizations facilitates a particular kind of SPD we term "intersectional politicization." Intersectional politicization involves critical intersectional reflection paired with critical intersectional action. Critical intersectional reflection entails analysis of how marginalized populations are impacted by particular social problems and how various social issues and forces of oppression interconnect. Critical intersectional action consists of participating actively in multiple movements or activist organizations to address distinct issues simultaneously. Intersectional politicization is fostered through organizational trainings and programming, collaborative work with other organizations, dialog with fellow activists, and online activist content. Intersectional politicization raises new considerations for research on critical consciousness and youth SPD.

Why Some Adolescents Are Open To Their Parents' Political Communication.

This study examines the conditions that make adolescents open to their parents' attempts at political socialization. Based on a reformulation of the perceptual accuracy argument, that parents' messages are filtered through correct perceptions of these messages by adolescents, the study suggests that adolescents who accurately recognize their parents' high political sophistication are particularly likely to attend to and be open to their parents' political communication. This proposition was tested using cluster analysis of a sample of 505 Swedish upper-secondary students and their parents (51% girls; Mage = 16.56, SD = 0.67). The analysis yielded two clusters where adolescents correctly identified (26%) and failed to correctly identify (22%) their parents' high political sophistication, and three clusters where both parents and adolescents reported low or medium parental political sophistication (10%, 11%, and 32%). In confirmation of the hypothesis, members of the cluster group of adolescents who correctly recognized their parents' high political sophistication were particularly aware of parents' political socialization attempts and receptive to parents' political communication. Moreover, these youth considered their parents' political views as important and, accordingly, seemed to perceive their parents as political role models.

Civilian national service programs can powerfully increase youth voter turnout.

Low rates of youth voting are a feature of contemporary democracies the world over, with the United States having some of the lowest youth turnout rates in the world. However, far too little is known about how to address the dismal rates of youth voter participation found in many advanced democracies. In this paper, we examine the causal effect of a potentially scalable solution that has attracted renewed interest today: voluntary national service programs targeted at the youth civilian population. Leveraging the large pool of young people who apply each year to participate in the Teach For America (TFA) program-a prominent voluntary national service organization in the United States that integrates college graduates into teaching roles in low-income communities for 2 y-we examine the effect of service participation on voter turnout. To do so, we match TFA administrative records to large-scale nationwide voter files and employ a fuzzy regression discontinuity design around the recommended admittance cutoff for the TFA program. We find that serving as a teacher in the Teach For America national service program has a large effect on civic participation-substantially increasing voter turnout rates among applicants admitted to the program. This effect is noticeably larger than that of previous efforts to increase youth turnout. Our results suggest that civilian national service programs targeted at young people have great promise in helping to narrow the stubborn and enduring political engagement gap between younger and older citizens.

Adolescents' Political Socialization at School, Citizenship Self-efficacy, and Expected Electoral Participation.

Adolescents' political socialization is crucial for their future political participation. Little research has examined this relationship and the importance of citizenship self-efficacy in an Asian context. This study focused on the effectiveness of Korean adolescents' political socialization and self-efficacy on their expected electoral participation. Data from Korean 8th graders participating in the 2016 International Civic and Citizenship Education Study were examined (N = 2601; Mage = 14.02; 46% female). Political socialization included open classroom discussion, active learning strategies, and formal citizenship education. The result showed that citizenship self-efficacy is the most important predictor for Korean adolescents' future engagement, but open classroom discussion is not significant. It indicates that citizenship education needs to consider countries' social and cultural contexts.

Promoting Voter Turnout: an Unanticipated Impact of Early-Childhood Preventive Interventions.

Preventive interventions in early childhood have a range of behavioral and health effects. However, there is an emerging literature extending this work to include acts of civic engagement, such as voting. Given that America has one of the lowest and most disparate rates of voter turnout in the world-and most of the current efforts aimed at boosting voter turnout and making the electorate more representative of the general public are proximal to the voting experience-there is a need for a better understanding of the potential long-term impact of early-childhood programming on civic engagement in adulthood. This paper builds on theories of political socialization and prior research demonstrating significant impacts of the Fast Track preventive intervention on voter turnout to examine the extent to which there are positive impacts on voter participation for other evidence-based preventive interventions targeting children's social and emotional capacities. Specifically, we leveraged data from a randomized controlled trial of the classroom-centered (CC) and the family school partnership (FSP) preventive interventions delivered in first grade. We analyzed data from approximately 700 urban, predominately African American, public school students who were randomly assigned to classrooms that either implemented (1) the classroom-centered intervention (which included the good behavior game), (2) the FSP intervention, or (3) the business as usual (i.e., control group). Data from the trial were combined with archival voter data when the youth were in their early 30s. Analyses demonstrated positive impacts of the CC preventive intervention on voter turnout more than two decades after exposure to the prevention program. Taken together, these findings provide additional evidence that some of the attributes that promote active participation in democracy can be fostered in early childhood-long before most interventions that have previously tried, and often failed, to increase voter turnout.

The intergenerational transmission of participation in collective action: The role of conversation and political practices in the family.

In this study, we examined the intergenerational transmission of collective action from parents to children. Using a mixed-method approach combining quantitative and qualitative analysis, we analysed data from 100 dyads of activist parents in Chile (involved in the mobilizations against the dictatorship during the 1980s) and their adult children (N = 200). The quantitative analysis addressed the role of conversations about politics in the family. The results provided evidence of a direct association between those conversations and the frequency of participation in conventional and radical actions by the children, and an indirect association via children's knowledge about parental involvement in past social movements. The qualitative phase, which used interviews and thematic analysis on a subsample of 24 dyads (N = 48), confirmed the role of political conversations, but also revealed the influence of other factors such as cultural consumption and joint political participation. This phase allowed the identification of factors that facilitate or hinder family transmission. Overall, the study highlights the relevance of family as a critical site of socialization that enables the intergenerational transmission of protest.

Agencias, agentes y ámbitos de socialización política: exploración a partir de relatos de vida de militantes universitarios/as

Resumen: El presente trabajo se propuso precisar el rol de agencias, agentes y ámbitos en el proceso de socialización política de estudiantes-militantes de la Universidad Nacional de Córdoba (Argentina). Se realizó un estudio cualitativo descriptivo con 18 estudiantes de ambos sexos. Se realizaron entrevistas abiertas y en profundidad, utilizando la perspectiva de los relatos de vida. Se efectuó un análisis de contenido cualitativo temático. Los resultados resaltan la importancia de la familia, la escuela y el grupo de pares en el aprendizaje político. A su vez, se discute el rol de la Universidad pública como agencia y ámbito de socialización política.

Resumo: O presente trabalho procurou especificar o papel de agências, agentes e âmbitos no processo de socialização política de estudantes-militantes da Universidade Nacional de Córdoba (Argentina). Foi realizado um estudo qualitativo descritivo com 18 estudantes de ambos os sexos. Entrevistas abertas e aprofundadas foram realizadas, utilizando a perspectiva das histórias de vida. Foi efetuada uma análise do conteúdo qualitativo temático. Os resultados destacam a importância da família, escola e grupo de pares na aprendizagem política. Por sua vez, é discutido o papel da universidade pública como agência e âmbito da socialização política.

Abstract: The present investigation aimed to determine the role of agents, agencies and contexts in the political socialization process of activists-students from National University of Cordoba (Argentina). A qualitative and descriptive study with 18 students of both sexes was carried out. Open and in-depth interviews, using life narratives approach, were made. A qualitative and thematic content analysis was performed. Results highlight the importance of family, school and pair groups in political learning. At the same time, public university role as agency and sphere of political socialization is discussed.

La parentalidad como practica de lo político / Parenting as a political practice / A parentalidade como prática do político / La parentalité comme pratique du politique

El objetivo de este artículo de revisión es comprender cómo se construye lo político en las relaciones entre padres e hijos. Para cumplirlo, se analizaron artículos publicados entre 2000 y 2016, que partieran de una noción amplia sobre socialización política y aportaran información para comprenderla desde el subsistema parental. Su análisis permitió identificar las siguientes categorías emergentes: ejercicio de la parentalidad en sociedades específicas, socialización política y parentalidad como práctica de lo político. En este artículo desarrollamos las dos últimas. Las investigaciones revisadas permitieron establecer que la parentalidad constituye una práctica de lo político en diferentes sentidos: constituye una responsabilidad ciudadana regulada por instancias de poder; transmite ideologías políticas; el ejercicio de poder entre padres e hijos contribuye en la construcción de ciudadanos capaces de adaptarse o resistir. Mediante la parentalidad, se construyen emociones y nociones políticas, sustentadas por formas de activismo que pueden provenir de padres o hijos.

This reviewing paper aims to understand how the political is built in the relationships between parents and children. To reach it, studies published between 2000 and 2016 were analyzed. It was chosen studies based on a broad notion ofpolitical socialization, which provide information to understand it from the parental subsystem. Their analysis allowed identifying the following emerging categories: parenting in specific societies; political socialization; and parenting as a practice of the political. We focus here on two last categories. The findings show that parenting is a practice of the political in different ways: it constitutes a civic responsibility regulated by instances ofpower; it fosters political ideologies; the exercise of power between parents and children contributes to the construction of citizens able of adapting or resisting. Through parenting, emotions and political notions are built, supported by forms ofactivism that can come from parents or children.

O objetivo deste artigo de revisão é compreender como se constrói o político nas relações entre pais e filhos. Para conseguir isso, revisaram-se artigos publicados entre os anos 2000 e 2016, os quais tivessem como ponto de partida, uma noção ampla sob socialização política e aportem informação para entendê-la desde o sistema parental. Sua análise permitiu identificar as seguintes categorias emergentes: o exercício da parentalidade em sociedades específicas, a socialização política e a parentalidade como prática do político. Neste artigo desenvolvemos as duas últimas. As pesquisas revisadas permitiram estabelecer que a parentalidade constitui uma prática do político em diferentes aspectos: institui uma responsabilidade cidadã regulada por instâncias de poder; transmite ideologias políticas; a negociação do poder entre pais e filhos contribui na construção de cidadãos capazes de se adaptar ou resistir; através da parentalidade, emoções e noções políticas são construídas, apoiadas por formas de ativismo que podem vir de pais ou filhos.

Le but de cet article de synthèse est de comprendre comment le fait politique se construit dans les relations parents-enfants. Pour ce faire, on a analysé des articles publiés entre 2000 et 2016, qui étaient fondés sur une large notion de socialisation politique et qui apportaient des informations pour la comprendre à partir du sous-système parental. Leur analyse a permis d'identifier les catégories émergentes suivantes: l'exercice de la parentalité dans des sociétés spécifiques, la socialisation politique et la parentalité comme pratique du fait politique. Dans cet article, nous développons les deux dernières. Les recherches révisées ont permis d'établir que la parentalité constitue une pratique du fait politique dans différents sens: elle constitue une pratique de la responsabilité régulée par des instances de pouvoir; elle transmet des idéologies politiques; l'exercice du pouvoir entre les parents et les enfants contribue à la construction de citoyens capables de s'adapter ou à résister. Par le biais de la parentalité, les émotions et les notions politiques sont construites, elles sont soutenues par des formes d'activisme qui peuvent venir des parents ou des enfants.

Influencia de la escuela, familia y medios de comunicación en el proceso de socialización política de estudiantes de primaria: Análisis en el contexto de Nuevo León, México / School, family and media influence on the process of political socialization of primary students: Analysis in the context of Nuevo León, Mexico

Resumen: La socialización política implica el desarrollo de las concepciones del mundo político. Si bien la escuela es considerada un agente básico de socialización de los niños, otros actores también contribuyen a determinar su cultura política, como la familia o los medios de comunicación. Este artículo busca determinar el grado de influencia de estos agentes en el desarrollo del compromiso político de los niños. Para ello, se aplicó una encuesta a una muestra representativa (N = 1009) de los estudiantes de primaria en el estado mexicano de Nuevo León. Se evaluó el nivel de atención a contenidos políticos en medios tradicionales y sociales, de conversación política en familia y de formación cívico-política recibida en la escuela, como variables independientes, y el interés político, el conocimiento político y el sentimiento de eficacia política, como dependientes. Los resultados muestran un impacto relevante de la formación cívico-política de la escuela y la atención a política en medios tradicionales sobre las orientaciones estudiadas. Sin embargo, la conversación política en familia y el seguimiento de política en medios sociales tuvieron una baja influencia. Se reflexiona acerca de las implicaciones que estas relaciones explicativas tienen en la configuración de la cultura política de los niños.

Abstract: Political socialization implies the development of conceptions about the political world. Although school is considered the basic agent for the socialization of children, there are other actors that also contribute to their political culture, as the family or the media. This paper aims to determine the degree of influence of these agents in the crystallization of children's political engagement. To do this, a survey was carried out to a representative sample (N = 1009) of primary school students in the Mexican state of Nuevo León. The level of attention to political content in traditional and social media, conversation among family, and civic-political education received in the school were used as independent variables. Political interest, political knowledge and political efficacy were evaluated as dependent ones. Findings show a relevant effect from the civic-political education in the school and the political attention in traditional media on the political orientations studied. However, conversation among family, and political attention in social media had a low influence. The implications that these explanatory relationships have in the configuration of the children's political culture are discussed.

Children's Literature as a Vehicle for Political Socialization: An Examination of Best-Selling Picture Books 2012-2017.

Despite the importance of political engagement, the topic has been the subject of little empirical research in developmental psychology, particularly with preadolescent samples. As a commonly available and developmentally appropriate source of media messages, picture books may inform young children about politics and influence their political engagement and aspirations. This study presents a content analysis of all books included on The New York Times best sellers list for children's picture books from 2012 to 2017. Books were reviewed for depictions of political issues, political processes, political leaders, symbols associated with politics or political leadership, and government employees. Nearly half of the books in the sample included at least one instance of politically relevant content. Relatively few books included depictions of political issues or processes. More books contained depictions of political leaders. Democratic leaders represented were predominantly historical figures, and were largely men and White. Relative to democratic leaders, monarchical leaders were more likely to be girls or women and to be children and were less likely to engage in political processes or decisions. The findings suggest that although many picture books contain some politically relevant content, picture books represent a missed opportunity for many aspects of political socialization.

Socialización política juvenil en un colegio de clases altas (Buenos Aires, Argentina) / Youth political socialization in a school for upper classes (Buenos Aires-Argentina) / Socialização política juvenil em uma escola das classes superiores (Buenos Aires - Argentina)

Resumen (analítico): En este artículo se presentan hallazgos de una investigación sobre socialización política estudiantil en un colegio privado de clases altas de la Ciudad de Buenos Aires y de tradición británica, en referencia a una práctica propia de gobierno escolar: las elecciones para capitanes de colegio. A partir de un trabajo de campo realizado entre 2016 y 2017 que comprendió entrevistas, observación participante y análisis de documentos, se analizan las cartas de postulación de candidatos a capitanes, para dilucidar los sentidos que le otorgan a esta modalidad de representación escolar. Se destaca que el liderazgo, la capacidad de comunicación y la antigüedad, constituyen sentidos atribuidos a las capitanías. Se concluye relacionándolos con procesos más amplios de socialización política juvenil en clases altas, que conducen a líneas futuras de investigación.

Abstract (analytical): This article presents findings of a research on youth political socialization in a private school of British tradition for upper classes in the City of Buenos Aires, about a specific practice of school government: elections for school captains. From a fieldwork carried out between 2016 and 2017 that included interviews, participant observation and document analysis, this paper analyzes the letters of nomination of candidates to captains in order to elucidate the meaning that students give to this practice of school representation. Highlight that leadership, communication skills and antiquity, constitute the senses attributed to the captaincies. It is concluded by relating them to broader processes of youth political socialization in the upper classes, which lead to future lines of research.

Resumo (analítico): Este artigo apresenta os resultados de uma pesquisa sobre socialização política juvenil em uma escola privada das classes superiores da Cidade de Buenos Aires e da tradição britânica, em referência a uma prática específica do governo escolar: eleições para os capitães da escola. A partir de um trabalho de campo realizado entre 2016 e 2017 que incluiu entrevistas, observação participante e análise de documentos, as cartas candidatas para os capitães são analisadas para elucidar os significados que os alunos conceden a esta prática de representação escolar. Ressalta-se que liderança, habilidades de comunicação e antiguidade, constituem significados atribuídos às capitanias. Conclui-se relacionando-os a processos mais amplos de socialização política juvenil nas classes altas, que levam a futuras linhas de pesquisa.

Trayectorias de militancia y procesos de socialización política de estudiantes universitarios/as de Córdoba (Argentina) / Trajectories of militant and political socialization processes for university students in Córdoba (Argentina) / Trajetórias de Militâncias e processos de socialização política de estudantes universitarios de Córdoba (Argentina)

Resumen (descriptivo): En esta investigación indagamos las características que adquiere el proceso de socialización política entre estudiantes-militantes de tres unidades académicas de la Universidad Nacional de Córdoba, Argentina. Hicimos un estudio cualitativo de alcance descriptivo. Recuperamos la perspectiva biográfica de los relatos de vida a través de la realización de 18 entrevistas a personas universitarias que participan con más de tres meses de antigüedad en agrupaciones estudiantiles o centros de estudiantes. Estudiamos los datos mediante análisis de contenido cualitativo, considerando los ejes de indagación de las entrevistas. Los resultados nos permitieron reflexionar sobre la articulación de aprendizajes latentes y manifiestos basados en experiencias políticas previas. A su vez, identificamos tres tipos de trayectorias de militancia en la narrativa de estos/as estudiantes, que dan cuenta de la pluralidad y diversidad del fenómeno. Palabras clave autores: trayectorias de militancia, biografías militantes.

Abstract (descriptive): This research investigated the characteristics of a political socialization process in a group of student activists from three academic areas of the National University of Córdoba, Argentina. An empirical and descriptive qualitative study was conducted as part of the research process and the biographical perspective of students' life stories was recovered. 18 interviews were conducted with university students who had been involved in student political organizations or student unions for at least three months. The data was analyzed using qualitative content analysis. The results led to a reflection on the articulation of latent and evident political learning that was based on previous political experiences. It was also possible to recognize three different types of political activism trajectories in the narratives of these students, accounting for the plurality and diversity of this phenomenon. Authors key words: activism trajectories, activist biography.

Resumo (descritivo): A investigação pesquisou as características que possui o processo de socialização política em estudantes-militantes de três unidades académicas da Universidade Nacional de Córdoba, Argentina. Um estudo empírico qualitativo de alcance descritivo foi feito. Recuperou-se a perspectiva biográfica dos relatos de vida a través da realização de 18 entrevistas a universitários/ as que participam há mais de três meses em agrupações estudantis ou grêmios de estudantes. Os dados foram analisados mediante uma análise de conteúdo qualitativo, considerando os eixos de indagação das entrevistas. Os resultados permitiram refletir sobre a articulação das aprendizagens latentes e manifestas baseadas nas experiências políticas prévias. Ao mesmo tempo, se identificaram três tipos de trajetórias de militância na narrativa dos/as estudantes, que dão conta da pluralidade e diversidade do fenómeno. Palavras-chave autores: trajetórias de militância, biografias militantes.

And What About Siblings? A Longitudinal Analysis of Sibling Effects on Youth's Intergroup Attitudes.

Within the process of political socialization, the family is of particular importance. Apart from parents, however, little is known about the role of other close family members. The present study examined if siblings affect each other's intergroup attitudes (i.e., intolerance towards immigrants, social dominance orientation). Drawing on a sample of 362 sibling dyads (older siblings: M age = 17.77, 53.6% female; younger siblings: M age = 13.61, 61.3% female), the results showed that older siblings' intergroup attitudes predicted younger siblings' attitudes, but this effect was moderated by gender. Specifically, older siblings' intolerance and social dominance orientation were only found to affect their younger sisters, yet not their younger brothers. Although younger siblings' intergroup attitudes had no main effect on older siblings, a significant moderation by age indicated that younger siblings affected older siblings' social dominance orientation with increasing age. These moderation effects of age and gender were not mediated by the quality of family relationships. The findings also remained the same when parental intergroup attitudes were taken into account. While siblings were generally identified as an important agent of political socialization in youth, the results also highlight the necessity to further examine the mechanism that either facilitate or hinder sibling effects.

Political motivations for intra-European migration.

Motivations for migrating within the European Union have mainly been attributed to economic, career and lifestyle choices. This article suggests that political dissatisfaction is also an important motivator of recent intra-European migration. In our analysis of in-depth interviews with Romanian migrants in Spain and with Spanish migrants in Norway, we found a common emphasis on the political dimensions of their decision to migrate. In the interviews, the economic component of migration was often related to bad governance and negative perceptions of the state. The similarities of Spanish and Romanian migration narratives are especially striking because Spain and Romania represent substantially different migratory, political and economic contexts. However, migration is more obviously intertwined with conventional acts of political protest in the Spanish case. We suggest that differences in democratic contexts are pivotal in people's reactions to and framing of their deep dissatisfaction with domestic politics, as found in many European countries today.

Hacer política desde la escuela: narrativas biográficas de jóvenes en Argentina / Engaging in politics at school: biographical narratives of militant student youth in the bicentennial Argentina / Fazer política desde a escola: narrativas biográficas de jovens militantes estudantis na Argentina do Bicentenário

este artículo trata sobre el papel de la escuela en el encuentro de los y las jóvenes con la política en la Argentina de los años siguientes al Bicentenario (2010). Presentamos narrativas de militantes de distintos espacios políticos, con el objetivo de indagar el rol que asignan a la escuela en sus trayectorias, desde las perspectivas de la socialización y la subjetivación política, con sustento en aportes de la sociología de la individuación. Tomamos para ello sus argumentaciones expuestas en dos debates grupales realizados en 2012 y 2013, en torno a temas clave de la agenda juvenil: la memoria estudiantil de la última dictadura cívico-militar, condensada en el relato de ”œLa noche de los lápices”, y la ampliación del voto a los 16 años de edad, promulgada por ley en 2012.

This article is about the role of school in young people's interactions with politics in Argentina following the country's bicentennial year (2010). The authors present narratives of young activists from different political spaces with the aim of investigating the role that school has had in their trajectories, with a particular focus on their socialization and political subjectivation, incorporating contributions from the Sociology of Individuation. For this purpose, the authors take the arguments that were presented in two group discussions in 2012 and 2013 regarding two key issues for the youth agenda: student memory of the most recent civic-military dictatorship, condensed in the story titled ”œThe Night of the Pencils”, and the change in legislation so that young people aged 16 and older can vote in elections, which was passed in 2012.

Este artigo é sobre o papel da escola no encontro dos jovens com a política na Argentina após o ano do bicentenário (2010). Apresentam-se narrativas de jovens ativistas de diferentes espaços políticos, com o objetivo de investigar o papel atribuído a escola nas suas trajetórias desde as perspectivas da socialização e subjetivação política, com contribuições da sociologia da individuação. Tomamos portanto os argumentos que apresentaram-se em duas discussões grupais em 2012 e 2013, sobre duas questões chave da agenda da juventude: a memória estudantil da última ditadura cívico-militar, condensada na história de ”A noite dos lápis”, e a extensão do voto a 16 anos de idade, criado por lei em 2012.

Means-Tested Public Assistance Programs and Adolescent Political Socialization.

In recent years, scholars have pointed to the politically demobilizing effects of means-tested assistance programs on recipients. In this study, we bridge the insights from policy feedback literature and adolescent political socialization research to examine how receiving means-tested programs shapes parent influence on adolescent political participation. We argue that there are differences in pathways to political participation through parent political socialization and youth internal efficacy beliefs for adolescents from households that do or do not receive means-tested assistance. Using data from a nationally representative sample of 536 Black, Latino, and White adolescents (50.8% female), we find that adolescents from means-tested assistance households report less parent political socialization and political participation. For all youth, parent political socialization predicts adolescent political participation. Internal political efficacy is a stronger predictor of political participation for youth from a non-means-tested assistance household than it is for youth from a household receiving means-tested assistance. These findings provide some evidence of differential paths to youth political participation via exposure to means-tested programs.

Effects of physical attractiveness on political beliefs.

Physical attractiveness is an important social factor in our daily interactions. Scholars in social psychology provide evidence that attractiveness stereotypes and the "halo effect" are prominent in affecting the traits we attribute to others. However, the interest in attractiveness has not directly filtered down to questions of political behavior beyond candidates and elites. Utilizing measures of attractiveness across multiple surveys, we examine the relationship between attractiveness and political beliefs. Controlling for socioeconomic status, we find that more attractive individuals are more likely to report higher levels of political efficacy, identify as conservative, and identify as Republican. These findings suggest an additional mechanism for political socialization that has further implications for understanding how the body intertwines with the social nature of politics.