Using the Preparation Phase of the Multiphase Optimization Strategy to Design an Antiextremism Program in Bahrain: Formative and Pilot Research.

BACKGROUND: Extremism continues to raise concerns about conflict and violent attacks that can lead to deaths, injuries, trauma, and stress. Adolescents are especially vulnerable to radicalization by extremists. Given its location in a region that often experiences extremism, Bahrain developed 4 peaceful coexistence lessons and 4 antiextremism lessons to be implemented as part of their Drug Abuse Resistance Education (D.A.R.E.) program. OBJECTIVE: The aim of this study is to report the results of the preparation phase of the multiphase optimization strategy (MOST) to develop a peaceful coexistence program and an antiextremism program implemented by D.A.R.E. officers in Bahrain. METHODS: We developed conceptual models for the peaceful coexistence and antiextremism programs, indicating which mediators each lesson should target, the proximal outcomes that should be shaped by these mediators, and the distal and ultimate outcomes that the intervention should change. We recruited 20 middle schools to pilot test our research protocol, survey measures, and the existing intervention lessons. A total of 854 seventh and ninth grade students completed a pretest survey, 4 peaceful coexistence intervention lessons, and an immediate posttest survey; and a total of 495 ninth grade students completed the pretest survey, 4 antiextremism lessons, and an immediate posttest survey. A series of 3-level models, nesting students within classrooms within schools, tested mean differences from pretest to posttest. RESULTS: Pilot test results indicated that most measures had adequate reliability and provided promising evidence that the existing lessons could change some of the targeted mediators and proximal outcomes. Specifically, students who completed the peaceful coexistence lessons reported significant changes in 5 targeted mediating variables (eg, injunctive norms about intolerance, P<.001) and 3 proximal outcomes [eg, social skills empathy (P=.008); tolerance beliefs (P=.041)]. Students who completed the antiextremism lessons reported significant changes in 3 targeted mediators [eg, self-efficacy to use resistance skills themselves (P<.001)], and 1 proximal outcome (ie, social skills empathy, P<.001). CONCLUSIONS: An effective antiextremism program has the potential to protect youth from radicalization and increase peaceful coexistence. We used the preparation phase of MOST to (1) develop a conceptual model, (2) identify the 4 lessons in each program as the components we will evaluate in the optimization phase of MOST, (3) pilot test the existing lessons, our newly developed measures, and research protocol, and (4) determine that our optimization objective will be all effective components. We will use these results to revise the existing lessons and conduct optimization trials to evaluate the efficacy of the individual lessons.

Psychoanalysis and politics.

Psychoanalysis and Politics argue that psychoanalysis is at its root a social or group theory, to which a theory of individual psychology is integral. This formulation follows from Freud's Group Psychology, which defines individual psychology as a derivative of group psychology, "still incomplete." The article historicizes the analytic conception of the individual in terms of the authors' conception of personalize, spelled out in Secrets of the Soul. Three versions of psychoanalytic social theory are discussed: Freudo-Marxism, the New Left and feminism and the "relational turn."

Mental Health, Well-Being, and Adolescent Extremism: A Machine Learning Study on Risk and Protective Factors.

We examined the relationship between adolescents' extremist attitudes with a multitude of mental health, well-being, psycho-social, environmental, and lifestyle variables, using state-of-the-art machine learning procedure and nationally representative survey dataset of Norwegian adolescents (N = 11,397). Three key research questions were addressed: 1) can adolescents with extremist attitudes be distinguished from those without, using psycho-socio-environmental survey items, 2) what are the most important predictors of adolescents' extremist attitudes, and 3) whether the identified predictors correspond to specific latent factorial structures? Of the total sample, 17.6% showed elevated levels of extremist attitudes. The prevalence was significantly higher among boys and younger adolescents than girls and older adolescents, respectively. The machine learning model reached an AUC of 76.7%, with an equal sensitivity and specificity of 70.5% in the test dataset, demonstrating a satisfactory performance for the model. Items reflecting on positive parenting, quality of relationships with parents and peers, externalizing behavior, and well-being emerged as significant predictors of extremism. Exploratory factor analysis partially supported the suggested latent clusters. Out of the 550 psycho-socio-environmental variables analyzed, behavioral problems, individual and social well-being, along with basic needs such as a secure family environment and interpersonal relationships with parents and peers emerged as significant factors contributing to susceptibility to extremism among adolescents.

Preventing and countering insider threats and radicalism in an Indonesian research reactor: Development of a human reliability program (HRP).

Nuclear technology has been present in Indonesia for more than 60 years, with the main facilities being three research reactors managed safely and securely. Considering the rapid changes in Indonesia's socio-political and economic situation, it is imperative to anticipate potential insider threats due to these influences. Thus, the National Nuclear Energy Agency of Indonesia developed the first human reliability program (HRP) in Indonesia, perhaps the first HRP in Southeast Asia. The development of this HRP was based on qualitative and quantitative analysis. The HRP candidates were determined based on their level of risk and ability to access nuclear facilities, and 20 people who worked directly in a research reactor were selected as HRP candidates. The candidates' background data and interviews were the basis for determining their assessment. The 20 HRP candidates were unlikely to be an internal threat. However, some of the candidates had significant records of job dissatisfaction. Counseling support could be one of the solutions for this issue. Two candidates disagreed with government policies, so they tended to sympathize with banned groups. Therefore, management should warn and nurture them to not become future insider threats. The results of this HRP provided an overview of the HR situation in a research reactor in Indonesia. Various aspects must be further developed, especially management's commitment to periodically or when necessary, increase the knowledge of the HRP team and, if necessary, invite outside experts.

Do pandemics spawn extremism? Spanish flu deaths and the Ku Klux Klan.

Scholars and journalists connect pandemics to a rise in support for radical political movements. In this study, we draw on this insight to investigate the relationship between the 1918-1919 Spanish influenza pandemic and political extremism-here, the rise of the second Ku Klux Klan-in the United States. Specifically, we ask whether U.S. states and cities with higher death rates from the Spanish flu also had stronger Ku Klux Klan organizations in the early 1920s. Our results do not provide evidence of such a connection; in fact, the data suggest greater Klan membership where the pandemic was less severe. This provides initial evidence that pandemic severity, as measured by mortality, is not necessarily a cause of extremism in the United States; power devaluation as a result of social and cultural change, however, does appear to spur such mobilization.

The Making of a Radical: The Role of Peer Harassment in Youth Political Radicalism.

Although political radicalism is one of the major societal threats, we have limited understanding of how it is formed. While there are reasons to expect that harassment experienced in adolescence increase the propensity for radicalism, this relationship has not yet been investigated. This five-wave study of Swedish adolescents (N = 892) examined the role of peer harassment in radical political behavior. The results revealed that within-person fluctuations in harassment were positively related to fluctuations in radicalism. Individual-level (but not class-level) harassment also predicted differences between adolescents: youth who experienced more harassment had higher levels of and a more pronounced decrease in radicalism. In addition, adolescents who had more supportive teachers or parents were less affected by harassment than youth with less-supportive adults. The findings suggest that personal experiences of harassment increase the risk of radicalism but supportive relationships can mitigate their negative consequences.

Radicalism and Life Meaningfulness Among Hong Kong Youth.

According to significance quest theory, radicalism arises from a deficit in life meaningfulness. However, radicalism springs from life meaningfulness, according to meaning maintenance and other principles in existentialist How life meaningfulness predicts radicalism is thus a research question. This study addresses the question with a survey of 4,385 youths in Hong Kong, China. Results indicate that life meaningfulness positively predicted radicalism, slightly more positively when radicalism in the previous year had been higher. Meanwhile, education, employment, and native status positively predicted radicalism and life meaningfulness, showing their homology in meaning sources. These results imply that radicalism prevention needs to reform the meaning basis for life meaningfulness to be socially desirable.

Regaining power: How feelings of exclusion during COVID-19 are associated with radicalism among critics of containment policies.

Past experimental research has shown that social exclusion can be linked with radicalism. During the COVID-19 pandemic, feelings of social isolation and loneliness rose, just like protests and violence against national anti-COVID-19 measures did. Based on these observations, we hypothesized that feelings of exclusion induced by measures to contain the spread of COVID-19 were associated with radicalism intentions to illegally and violently fight COVID-19-related regulations among critics of the containment policies (Hypothesis 1). Moreover, we expected that radicalism intentions against COVID-19-related regulations fortified needs deprived by social exclusion (Hypothesis 2). Studying a sample of individuals who opposed the measures to contain the spread of COVID-19 (N = 171), we found evidence for both hypotheses: Results revealed that feelings of social exclusion induced by COVID-19 containment measures predicted radicalism intentions. Moreover, the relationship between exclusion and radicalism was associated with fortifying power issues. Political opinion did not moderate these effects. These data replicate the exclusion-radicalism link in the COVID-19 crisis and add one more factor that may have promoted radical developments during that time. Fortifying feelings of power, radicalism appeared to foster well-being, though at a high political price.

Destructiveness: a 'neglected child' in the theory of analytical psychology.

C.G. Jung postulates the child motif as the central symbol of the unfolding self towards wholeness. From the 'abandoned child' and the 'invincibility of the child', Jung derives the 'divine child' as hero. It is about the victory of consciousness over the unconscious, about the 'overcoming of the darkness monster'. But in this ego-psychological approach, there is no 'evil', no destructive child. The author is surprised that there is no concept of destructiveness per se, in the Kantian sense, in either psychoanalysis or analytical psychology. In Jung, 'evil' exists as a shadow dynamic that needs to be integrated. This paper is about destructiveness that cannot be integrated. The author's hypothesis is that some patients have the unconscious belief that they are a discarded child and were born as a 'bad' destructive child or have acquired this unconscious belief in the course of their development. Both possibilities are explored with regard to their treatability using clinical vignettes from the therapy of a child, an adolescent and an adult patient. With regard to collective destructiveness, an attempt is also made to highlight some characteristic beliefs of increasingly radicalized political and social groups.

C.G. Jung fait le postulat que le thème de l'enfant est le symbole central du déploiement du soi vers la complétude. A partir de « l'enfant abandonné ¼ et de « l'invincibilité de l'enfant ¼ Jung en vient à « l'enfant divin ¼ en tant que héro. Il s'agit de la victoire de la conscience sur l'inconscient, de «surmonter le monstre des ténèbres¼. Mais dans cette approche liée à la psychologie du Moi, il n'est pas question du mal, il n'y a pas d'enfant destructeur. L'auteur est surpris qu'il n'y ait pas de concept de destructivité en tant que tel, dans le sens Kantien, ni dans la psychanalyse ni dans la psychologie analytique. Chez Jung, le « mal ¼ existe comme une dynamique de l'ombre qui doit être intégrée. Cet article s'intéresse à la destructivité qui ne peut pas être intégrée. L'hypothèse de l'auteur est que certains patients ont le sentiment inconscient qu'ils sont un enfant dont on veut se débarrasser, et qu'ils sont nés « mauvais ¼ ou ont acquis cette croyance inconsciente au cours de leur développement. Ces deux possibilités sont explorées en relation avec les possibilités de guérison, en utilisant des vignettes cliniques de la thérapie d'un enfant, d'un adolescent, et d'un adulte. En ce qui concerne la destructivité collective, une tentative est faite pour repérer quelques croyances caractéristiques des groupes sociaux et politiques de plus en plus radicalisés.

C.G. Jung postula el motivo del niño como símbolo central en el desarrollo del self hacia la completud. A partir del ´niño abandonado´ y de la ínvencibilidad del niño´, Jung llega al niño divino como héroe. Se trata de la victoria de la consciencia por sobre el incosnciente, sobre ´el sobreponerse al mosntruo de la oscuridad´. Pero en este abordaje de la psicología del ego, no hay ´mal´, ni niño destructivo. El autor se muestra sorprendido de la falta de concepto de destructividad per se, en el sentido Kantiano, en el psicoanálisis y en la psicología analítica. En Jung, ´el mal'existe como dinñamica de la sombra que necesita ser integrada. El presente trabajo es sobre la destructividad que no puede ser integrada. La hipótesis del autor es que algunos pacientes tienen la creencia inconsciente de ser un niño rechazado y de haber nacido como un niño ´malo´, destructivo o han adquirido dicha creencia inconsciente durante su desarrollo. Se exploran ambas posibilidades con relación a su tratabilidad, utilizando viñetas clínicas de la terapia de un paciente niño, un adolescente y un adulto. Con relación a la destructividad colectiva, también se lleva a cabo el intento de destacar algunas creencias características de una creciente radicalización en los grupos sociales y políticos.

Development and Validation of SERR Scale for Detecting Extremism and Religious Radicalism / Desarrollo y Validación de la Escala SERR para la Detección del Extremismo y Radicalismo Religioso

Background: In liiine with the growing religious, political and social violence around the world, this study evaluates the psychometric properties of a new scale for Detecting Extremism and Religious Radicalism (SERR), a self-report measure of extremism and religious radicalism. Method: Factor analyses, validity and reliability data were collected using a sample of 1985 participants from 58 different cities around Spain who self-identified as actively practicing their religion. Results: Statistical analyses of SERR scores yielded acceptable internal consistency scores (ω > .74) and confirmed key factors associated with radicalism and extremism. The structure of the scale was confirmed as two dimensional (χ²(64) = 361.22, p < .001, CFI = 0.976, TLI = 0.970, RMSEA (90% CI) = 0.089 (0.080 - 0.098), SRMR = 0.064). Scores for the extremism dimension correlated significantly and positively with scores for the same factor on the Activism and Radicalism Intention Scales (r = .32, p < .001, n = 139). Conclusions: The SERR demonstrates adequate reliability and validity for evaluating the degree of extremism and radicalism in Christian/Catholic and Muslim believers.(AU)

Antecedentes: en consonancia con la creciente violencia religiosa, política y social en todo el mundo, este estudio evalúa las propiedades psicométricas de la escala para la detección del extremismo y el radicalismo religioso (SERR), una medida de autoinforme del extremismo y el radicalismo religioso. Método: los análisis factoriales y las evidencias de validez y fiabilidad se recopilaron utilizando una muestra de 1985 participantes de 58 ciudades distintas de España que se identificaron a sí mismos como practicantes activos de su religión. Resultados: los análisis estadísticos de las puntuaciones SERR arrojaron puntuaciones de consistencia interna aceptables (ω > .74) y confirmaron los factores clave asociados con el radicalismo y el extremismo. La estructura de la escala se confirmó como bidimensional (χ²(64) = 361.22, p < .001, CFI = 0.976, TLI = 0.970, RMSEA (90% CI) = 0.089 (0.080 - 0.098), SRMR = 0.064). Las puntuaciones de la dimensión de extremismo se correlacionaron significativa y positivamente con las puntuaciones del mismo factor en la Escala de Intención de Activismo y Radicalismo (r = 0,32, p < 0.001, n = 139). Conclusiones: los autores concluyen que el SERR muestra una fiabilidad y validez adecuadas para evaluar el grado de extremismo y radicalismo en creyentes cristianos/católicos y musulmanes.(AU)

'As though Miles of Ocean did not Separate us': Print and the Construction of a Transatlantic Free Love Community at the Fin de Siècle.

This article argues that British and American free lovers - radical sexual reformers committed to the cause of 'sexual freedom' - came together through print to build a transatlantic community at the fin de siècle. Challenging existing narratives that characterize free love as isolated or incoherent, it argues that through print free lovers from Britain and America were able to forge links with each other, and to construct an important, coherent collective identity that transcended national boundaries. In doing so it makes two major interventions. First, it provides unique new insights into the history of free love in both the British and American contexts, placing a new focus on often overlooked transnational connections and exchanges that helped to shape late nineteenth-century free love campaigns. Second, it encourages historians to rethink the ways we look for and make sense of cohesive international reform communities more broadly in this period. By exploring how a small, radical group like the free lovers were able to cohere through processes of contestation and negotiation played out entirely in print, this article will show that, where necessary, print was enough for transatlantic reformers to construct common identities and negotiate coherent reform ideas. As such, it argues that historians of fin-de-siècle social reform should look again at the print culture of other contemporary reformers otherwise labelled divided, isolated, or marginalized to look for threads of cohesion, cooperation, and compromise.

Morality, Activism and Radicalism in the Brazilian Left and the Brazilian Right / Moralidade, Ativismo e Radicalismo na Esquerda e na Direita Brasileira / Moralidad, Activismo y Radicalismo en la Izquierda y Derecha Brasileña

Abstract In the last few years, there has been a rising tension in Brazilian politics between individuals who identify as left-wing and those who identity as right-wing. Sometimes those tensions have resulted in radical behavior from people who identify with either side of the political spectrum. This paper has two main goals: (a) to investigate (using the Moral Foundations Theory as a basis) the moral matrices of participants who identify as being left, center-left, center-right, and right; and (b) to compare the indices of activism and radicalism between participants with different political orientations. There were 226 participants in the study, most of which were from the Federal District (64.16%). The participants answered an online survey composed of the Moral Foundations Questionnaire, the Activism and Radicalism Intention Scale, and informed demographic data (including their political preference). Differences were found in the moral matrices of participants with different political positions. Higher indices of activism and radicalism were found among participants who self-declared as being left and center-left. Based on the field's literature, the perception of unfairness held by individuals who identify as left in the current political context may help to understand these findings.

Resumo Nos últimos anos foi possível observar na política brasileira o acirramento de tensões entre indivíduos que se declaram de direita e de esquerda. Essas tensões, não raramente, resultaram em comportamentos radicais em pessoas que se identificam com ambos os lados do espectro político. Frente a esse contexto, o presente trabalho possuiu dois objetivos principais: (a) investigar as matrizes morais (tendo como base a Teoria dos Fundamentos Morais) de participantes que se identificam como de esquerda, centro-esquerda, centro-direita e direita e (b) comparar os índices de ativismo e radicalismo entre participantes com essas diferentes posições políticas. Participaram do estudo 226 pessoas, sendo a maioria do Distrito Federal (64.16%). Os participantes responderam a um instrumento online composto pelo Questionário de Fundamentos Morais, escala de Ativismo/Radicalismo e informaram dados demográficos (incluindo o próprio posicionamento político). Foram encontradas diferenças nas matrizes morais dos participantes com diferentes posições políticas. Foram ainda encontrados maiores índices de ativismo e radicalismo entre participantes que se autodeclararam de esquerda. Tendo como base a literatura na área, a percepção de injustiça vivenciada por parte de membros da esquerda brasileira no atual contexto político do país pode favorecer a compreensão dos achados da presente pesquisa.

Resumen En los últimos años fue posible observar en la política brasileña el aumento de tensiones entre individuos que se declaran de derecha y de izquierda. Estas tensiones, no raramente, resultaron en comportamientos radicales de personas que se identifican con ambos lados del espectro político. En este contexto, el presente trabajo tuvo dos objetivos principales: (a) investigar las matrices morales (teniendo como base la Teoría de los Fundamentos Morales) de participantes que se identifican como de izquierda, centro izquierda, centro derecha y derecha y (b) comparar los índices de activismo y radicalismo entre participantes con esas diferentes posiciones políticas. Participaron del estudio 226 personas, siendo la mayoría del Distrito Federal (64.16%). Los participantes respondieron a un instrumento online compuesto por el Cuestionario de Fundamentos Morales, escala de Activismo/ Radicalismo e informaron datos demográficos (incluyendo el propio posicionamiento político).Se encontraron diferencias en las matrices morales de los participantes con diferentes posiciones políticas Se encontraron aún mayores índices de activismo y radicalismo entre participantes que se auto-declararon de izquierda. Con base en la literatura del área, la percepción de injusticia vivenciada por parte de los miembros de la izquierda brasileña en el actual contexto político del país puede favorecer la comprensión de los hallazgos de la presente investigación.

What Underlies Political Polarization? A Manifesto for Computational Political Psychology.

Polarization is one of the biggest societal challenges of our time, yet its drivers are poorly understood. Here we propose a novel approach - computational political psychology - which uses behavioral tasks in combination with formal computational models to identify candidate cognitive processes underpinning susceptibility to polarized beliefs about political and societal issues.

Metacognitive Failure as a Feature of Those Holding Radical Beliefs.

Widening polarization about political, religious, and scientific issues threatens open societies, leading to entrenchment of beliefs, reduced mutual understanding, and a pervasive negativity surrounding the very idea of consensus [1, 2]. Such radicalization has been linked to systematic differences in the certainty with which people adhere to particular beliefs [3-6]. However, the drivers of unjustified certainty in radicals are rarely considered from the perspective of models of metacognition, and it remains unknown whether radicals show alterations in confidence bias (a tendency to publicly espouse higher confidence), metacognitive sensitivity (insight into the correctness of one's beliefs), or both [7]. Within two independent general population samples (n = 381 and n = 417), here we show that individuals holding radical beliefs (as measured by questionnaires about political attitudes) display a specific impairment in metacognitive sensitivity about low-level perceptual discrimination judgments. Specifically, more radical participants displayed less insight into the correctness of their choices and reduced updating of their confidence when presented with post-decision evidence. Our use of a simple perceptual decision task enables us to rule out effects of previous knowledge, task performance, and motivational factors underpinning differences in metacognition. Instead, our findings highlight a generic resistance to recognizing and revising incorrect beliefs as a potential driver of radicalization.

From Oppression to Violence: The Role of Oppression, Radicalism, Identity, and Cultural Intelligence in Violent Disinhibition.

Violent radicalization and terrorism continue to pose social and security problems. Starting from the theoretical framework offered by the significance quest theory, the purpose of this research was to analyze the different roles that radical intentions play in the relationship between the loss of significance and violent disinhibition in Muslims and non-Muslims. For this reason, we carried out two studies: the first one with 133 Muslims and 126 non-Muslims, and the second with 98 Muslims and 167 non-Muslims. Specifically, we measured how perceived oppression influenced violent disinhibition through radical intentions. Secondly, we also measured the impact of identity and cultural intelligence in these relations. The main finding of the research was that there was an indirect effect of perceived oppression on violent disinhibition through radical intentions in the Muslim sample, whereas, in the non-Muslim sample, the effect of perceived oppression on violent disinhibition was not mediated by radical intentions. These results were replicated in both studies. Additionally, we found that identity and culture were factors that moderated the proposed relations. This work therefore shows that the conjunction of the loss of significance and radical intentions seems to strongly exacerbate the likelihood of a process of violent disinhibition for those who are considered to be in marginal contexts. Overall, different pathways and intervening factors are in the process of radicalizing Muslims and non-Muslims in Western societies.

Daring to Marry: Marriage Equality Activism After Proposition 8 as Challenge to the Assimilationist/Radical Binary in Queer Studies.

I analyze three case studies of marriage equality activism and marriage equality-based groups after the passage of Proposition 8 in California. Evaluating the JoinTheImpact protests of 2008, the LGBTQ rights group GetEQUAL, and the group One Struggle One Fight, I argue that these groups revise queer theoretical arguments about marriage equality activism as by definition assimilationist, homonormative, and single-issue. In contrast to such claims, the cases studied here provide a snapshot of heterogeneous, intersectional, and coalition-based social justice work in which creative methods of protest, including direct action and flash mobs, are deployed in militant ways for marriage rights and beyond.

The neural bases for devaluing radical political statements revealed by penetrating traumatic brain injury.

Given the determinant role of ventromedial prefrontal cortex (vmPFC) in valuation, we examined whether vmPFC lesions also modulate how people scale political beliefs. Patients with penetrating traumatic brain injury (pTBI; N = 102) and healthy controls (HCs; N = 31) were tested on the political belief task, where they rated 75 statements expressing political opinions concerned with welfare, economy, political involvement, civil rights, war and security. Each statement was rated for level of agreement and scaled along three dimensions: radicalism, individualism and conservatism. Voxel-based lesion-symptom mapping (VLSM) analysis showed that diminished scores for the radicalism dimension (i.e. statements were rated as less radical than the norms) were associated with lesions in bilateral vmPFC. After dividing the pTBI patients into three groups, according to lesion location (i.e. vmPFC, dorsolateral prefrontal cortex [dlPFC] and parietal cortex), we found that the vmPFC, but not the dlPFC, group had reduced radicalism scores compared with parietal and HC groups. These findings highlight the crucial role of the vmPFC in appropriately valuing political behaviors and may explain certain inappropriate social judgments observed in patients with vmPFC lesions.

[Radicalism and feminism: The case of Poulain de la Barre]. / Les critères de la radicalité en question : Le cas Poulain de la Barre Riflessioni sui criteri della radicalità: Il caso Poulain de la Barre.

Early modern radicalism and its criteria are described and defined by Jonathan Israel in various works. Poulain de la Barre, one of the first modern feminist thinkers, first is used by Israel as an example of the so-called radical Enlightenment and finally is rejected as such. This case study exhibed the necessity of questionning the coherence of the required criteria for defining a « radical ¼ thinker, especially when examinating carefully the last paragraph of Spinoza's Political Treatise.

Karla jay.

SUMMARY Karla Jay discusses Tales of the Lavender Menace: A Memoir of Liberation (published in 1999). She engages the connections between the personal and the political in her memoir. The reception by readers, family relations, the history of the feminist movement, racism, and homophobia are also deliberated in relation to the writing "process" and the motivations to write.