A mixed-methods approach to understand victimization discourses by opposing feminist sub-groups on social media.

Opposing social movements are groups that have conflicting objectives on a shared social justice issue. To maximize the probability of their movement's success, groups can strategically portray their group in a favourable manner while discrediting their opposition. One such approach involves the construction of victimization discourses. In this research, we combined topic modelling and critical discursive psychology to explore how opposing groups within the feminist movement used victimization as a lens to understand their movements in relation to transgender women. We compiled a dataset of over 40,000 tweets from 14 UK-based feminist accounts that included transgender women as women (the pro-inclusion group) and 13 accounts, that excluded transgender women (the anti-inclusion group). Our results revealed differences in how victimization was employed by the opposing movements: pro-inclusion groups drew on repertoires that created a sense of shared victimhood between cisgender women and transgender women, while anti-inclusion groups invoked a competitive victimhood repertoire. Both groups also challenged and delegitimised their oppositions' constructions of feminism and victimhood. These findings add to our understanding of the communication strategies used by opposing movements to achieve their mobilization goals.

Educação popular no SUS: desafios atuais no olhar do Observatório de Educação Popular em Saúde e Realidade Brasileira / Popular education in the SUS: current challenges from the perspective of the Observatory of Popular Health Education and the Brazilian Reality

Resumo Este trabalho se propõe a trazer reflexões e apontamentos para o fortalecimento de políticas públicas estruturantes no Brasil, com foco na Educação Popular em Saúde no Sistema Único de Saúde (SUS), a partir das perspectivas construídas no Observatório de Educação Popular em Saúde e Realidade Brasileira. O Observatório é um espaço profícuo para o compartilhamento de interpretações e experiências de profissionais de saúde e educadores populares sobre a realidade local e realidade brasileira, a partir da ótica da Educação Popular em Saúde. De forma dialógica e participativa, ao longo de seus 2 anos de atividade, o Observatório foi capaz de reunir interpretações sintéticas da Educação Popular em Saúde para as crises que atravessam a história recente do país. De maneira panorâmica, as falas compartilhadas apontam desafios para valorização da abordagem humana na promoção da saúde, com a inclusão e o respeito aos saberes e práticas sociais locais e comunitárias. Além disso, destaca-se a importância da participação social na construção de processos sociais participativos na saúde pública, visando à autonomia do cidadão e à ampliação da dinâmica democrática no Estado brasileiro e em seus equipamentos sociais.

Abstract This paper aims to bring reflections and notes for strengthening Brazilian structuring public policies, focusing on Popular Health Education in the Unified Health System (SUS) from the perspectives built in the Observatory of Popular Health Education and the Brazilian Reality. The Observatory is a valuable space for sharing health professionals' and popular educators' interpretations and experiences about local and Brazilian realities from the perspective of Popular Health Education. During its two years of activity, the Observatory has gathered summary interpretations of Popular Health Education for the crises that traverse the country's recent history in a dialogical and participatory way. In a panoramic view, the shared statements point to challenges for valuing the human approach to health promotion, including respecting local and community knowledge and social practices. Moreover, we underscore the importance of social participation in constructing participatory social processes in public health toward citizen autonomy and expanded democratic dynamics in the Brazilian State and its social equipment.

Mapping social movements momentum: unveiling networks in the movement for the right to abortion in Mexico.

In this case study, we propose a network analysis approach to map social movements through an intersectional feminist lens. We aim to gain a more in-depth understanding of movements' network structures to examine the roles and relationships of movement actors, the flow of resources between them, and potential areas of collaboration and conflict. By incorporating Social Network Analysis (SNA) techniques and visually mapping dynamics within social movements, this approach can assess the significance of small actors in creating change and stresses the need for their perspectives to be heard. Furthermore, our methodology adopts a feminist intersectional framework that recognizes the role of different identities in shaping the movement and its actors. To demonstrate the practical application of this approach, we examined the movement for the right to abortion in Mexico between September and December 2021. Our multi-step process included (1) designing a survey tool adapted to the context of the movement, (2) collecting and analyzing survey responses on movement actors' relationships and interactions, including their priorities, activities, needs, risks, and challenges, (3) visualizing the network using SNA techniques that account for the complexity and diversity of the movement, (4) interpreting the findings through insights collected in semi-structured interviews and validation meetings with key movement actors, and (5) implementing safety and security guidelines to safeguard the identity of individuals whose activities could put them at risk of suffering institutional, emotional, and physical violence. Our case study offers valuable insights that not only encourage the integration of feminist and intersectional perspectives into data collection processes but also provide a roadmap for accompanying social movements and supporting meaningful and contextually responsive activities.

What would it really take to solve the overdose epidemic in the United States?

The high overdose mortality rates in the United States poses several questions: Why have they been increasing exponentially since 1979? Why are they so high? And how can they be greatly reduced? Building on past research, the causes of the increase seem to be deeply rooted in US social and economic structures and processes, rather than due only to opioid prescription patterns or the advent of synthetic opioids. Given this, we consider what changes might be needed to reverse the exponentially-increasing overdose mortality. We use a path dependency argument to argue that the United States political, economic, and public health systems have helped create this crisis and, unfortunately, continue to heighten it. These same systems suggest that proposals to expand harm reduction and drug treatment capacity, to decriminalize or legalize drugs, or to re-industrialize the country sufficiently to reduce "communities of despair" will not be enacted at a scale sufficient to end the overdose crisis. We thus suggest that in the United States serious improvements in overdose rates and related policies and structures require massive social movements with a broad social change agenda.

January 6 arrests and media coverage do not remobilize conservatives on social media.

Social media's pivotal role in catalyzing social movements is widely acknowledged across scientific disciplines. Past research has predominantly explored social media's ability to instigate initial mobilization while leaving the question of its capacity to sustain these movements relatively uncharted. This study investigates the persistence of movement activity on Twitter and Gab following a substantial on-the-ground mobilization event catalyzed by social media-the StoptheSteal movement culminating in the January 6th Capitol attack. Our findings indicate that the online communities active in the January 6 mobilization did not display substantial remobilization in the subsequent year. These results highlight the fact that further exploration is needed to understand the factors shaping how and when movements are sustained by social media. In this regard, our study provides valuable insights for scientists across diverse disciplines, on how certain social media platforms may contribute to the evolving dynamics of collective action.

Misunderstood and underappreciated: a critical review of mental health advocacy and activism in low- and middle-income countries.

Mental health advocacy and activism have been highlighted as important in the effort towards creating environments for better mental health. However, relevant research in low- and middle-income country settings remains limited and lacks critical exploration. We seek to contribute to filling this gap by exploring driving factors behind mental health advocacy and activism efforts in low- and middle-income country settings. This review uses a critically informed thematic analysis employing conceptual frameworks of productive power to analyse peer-reviewed articles on mental health advocacy or activism over the last 20 years. We suggest that the current body of research is marred by superficial explorations of activism and advocacy, partly due to a lack of cohesion around definitions. Based on our findings, we suggest a conceptual framework to guide deeper explorations of mental health advocacy and activism. This framework identifies 'legitimacy', 'context' and 'timing' as the main dimensions to consider in understanding activism and advocacy efforts. The fact that they remain misunderstood and underappreciated creates missed opportunities for meaningful inclusion of lived experience in policy decisions and limits our understanding of how communities envision and enact change.

Feminist retroviruses to white Sharia: Gender "science fan fiction" on 4Chan.

This article demonstrates-based on an interpretive discourse analysis of three types of memes (Rabid Feminists, Women's Bodies, Policy Ideas) and secondary thread discourse on 4chan's "Politically Incorrect" discussion board-two key findings: (1) the existence of a gendered hate based scientific discourse, "science fan fiction," in online spaces and (2) how gender "science fan fiction" is an outcome of the male supremacist cosmology, by producing and justifying resentment against white women as being both inherently untrustworthy (politically, sexually, intellectually) and dangerous. This perspective-which combines hatred and distrust of women with white nationalist anxieties about demographic shifts, racial integrity, and sexuality-then motivates misogynist policy ideas including total domination of women or their removal. 4chan users employ this discourse to "scientifically" substantiate claims of white male supremacy, the fundamental untrustworthiness of white women, and to argue white women's inherent threat to white male supremacist goals.

Gender-inclusive consumer studies improve cassava breeding in Nigeria.

Including gender research in cassava breeding makes it easier for farmers to adopt new varieties that meet the specific needs and preferences of both male and female farmers, leading to increased adoption of new varieties, improved productivity, and better economic outcomes for the entire farming community. Gender was included in 2013 in variety development at the National Root Crops Research Institute (NRCRI), Umudike, Nigeria in response to the dis-adoption of some varieties by farmers who had not been part of varietal development from the start, and in light of social roles which influence the responsibilities, resources and livelihood outcomes of men, women and youths. Gender inclusion has given plant breeders accurate information about the cassava traits preferred by all end-users, not just male farmers. At NRCRI, gender studies intensified in the last 5 years, contributing to the development and release of improved varieties. Quantitative and qualitative research by the gender cross-cutting team modeled trait profiling and consumer preferences, to aid demand-led breeding. Some of the methods were acquired at several trainings on how to quantify qualitative responses for prioritization. Gender research techniques include participatory varietal selection (PVS), participatory plant breeding (PPB), mother-baby trials, focus group discussions (FGD), surveys, value chain mapping, G+ tools, experiments in farmer field schools (FFS), demonstration farms, and tricot. These gave the cross-cutting team a better understanding of gender relations, power, decision-making, ownership and control of resources, and have mitigated operational and field challenges during the surveys. These methods also elicited feedback from end-users that led to better naming of newly released varieties, reflecting perceptions of agronomic performance, and food qualities, which made the varieties easier to identify and remember.

Statewide Age-Friendly Virtual Fair as a Tactic for Social Change Across the Aging Ecosystem.

Prior research has demonstrated ways in which community events help to establish age-friendly community initiatives and strengthen their impact. We extend these insights by discussing how the design and implementation of a statewide event - the New Jersey Age-Friendly Virtual Fair - exemplifies this practice theory and extends its applicability beyond local community development toward broader state-level age-friendly ecosystems. We describe how events that are deliberately multi-organizational, multi-sectoral, and multi-level can help to further propel the Age-Friendly Movement toward systems change for aging in community.

"That's what we think of as activism": Solidarity through care in queer Desi diaspora.

This article examines a framing of solidarity as both activism and community care work in diasporic South Asian (sometimes referred to as "Desi") communities in the US and the UK. From the vantage point of the researcher as a pansexual Indian-American activist herself, this article draws conclusions based on ethnographic research and interviews conducted with lesbian, gay, queer, and trans activists during the height of the COVID-19 pandemic and Black-led uprisings against police and state violence in the US and the UK. These conversations and this article particularly examine the participation of Desi activists and their peers in these movements, and their explorations of different modes of solidarity, from joint struggle to allyship to coconspiratorship and community transformation. They ultimately argue that queerness in Desi diaspora fosters solidarity through care that nurtures relationships across and between the diverse groups that make up LGBTQ + communities and the Desi diaspora, as well as between Desi, Black, and other racialized and diasporic communities. By examining lesbian, gay, trans, and broadly queer South Asian activists' relationships to each other and to other racialized groups in struggle, this article conceptualizes a framing of solidarity and Black and Brown liberation together that transcends difference, transphobia and TERFism, and anti-Blackness through centering kinship and care. Through the intimacies borne out of months and years on the frontlines of struggle together, this article argues that deepening an understanding of activism, kinship, and care together in Desi diasporic organizing is key to building a solidarity that imagines and moves toward new and liberated worlds.

Generations, events, and social movement legacies: Unpacking social change in English football (1980-2023).

This article critically employs the case of association football in England, from 1980 to 2023, as a social movement timescape, to examine the political consciousness and long-term mobilisations of a generation of football supporter activists, and their capacity to influence politics, and respond to new, emerging, critical junctures, through networks of trust and shared memories of historical events. This is of crucial importance to sociology because it reveals the tensions between what are considered legitimate and illegitimate social practices which characterise contemporary society's moral economy. Focusing on temporal contestations over regulation, policing, governance and cultural rituals, the article deconstructs the role of generations in social movements, and critically synthesises relational-temporal sociology and classic and contemporary work on the sociology of generations, to show how legacy operates as a multifaceted maturing concept of power and time. In English football's neoliberal timescape, the supporters' movement has reached a critical juncture; the future will require a new generation of activists, to negotiate, resist and contest the new hegemonic politics of social control and supporter engagement.

"We been dying, and you got me on a call helping you stay alive": Black and Latinx youth organizers' experiences of racism in gun violence prevention organizations.

This study explored Black and Latinx youth organizers' experiences of racism within national gun violence prevention organizing spaces. Interview data were analyzed from 17 Black and/or Latinx youth (Mage = 20.17, 47% women) across the United States who organized against gun violence. The findings identified three forms of racism that Black and Latinx organizers experienced in national organizations: (1) being tokenized for their racial identities and experiences without having real decision making power; (2) feeling a burden to educate their white peers about the structural causes of gun violence and how to improve organizing spaces for other youth of color; and (3) being silenced in their racially conscious organizing efforts to address the structural causes of gun violence in their communities. This research highlights how Black and Latinx youth gun violence prevention organizers contend both with structural racism in their everyday lives and racism in organizing spaces.

When Are Social Protests Effective?

Around the world, people engage in social protests aimed at addressing major societal problems. Certain protests have led to significant progress, yet other protests have resulted in little demonstrable change. We introduce a framework for evaluating the effectiveness of social protest made up of three components: (i) what types of action are being considered; (ii) what target audience is being affected; and (iii) what outcomes are being evaluated? We then review relevant research to suggest how the framework can help synthesize conflicting findings in the literature. This synthesis points to two key conclusions: that nonviolent protests are effective at mobilizing sympathizers to support the cause, whereas more disruptive protests can motivate support for policy change among resistant individuals.

Health policy counterpublics: Enacting collective resistances to US molecular HIV surveillance and cluster detection and response programs.

Health policies and the problems they constitute are deeply shaped by multiple publics. In this article we conceptualize health policy counterpublics: temporally bounded socio-political forms that aim to cultivate particular modes of conduct, generally to resist trajectories set by arms of the state. These counterpublics often emerge from existing social movements and involve varied forms of activism and advocacy. We examine a health policy counterpublic that has arisen in response to new forms of HIV public health surveillance by drawing on public documents and interview data from 2021 with 26 stakeholders who were critical of key policy developments. Since 2018, the national rollout of molecular HIV surveillance (MHS) and cluster detection and response (CDR) programs in the United States has produced sustained controversies among HIV stakeholders, including among organized networks of people living with HIV. This article focuses on how a health policy counterpublic formed around MHS/CDR and how constituents problematized the policy agenda set in motion by federal health agencies, including in relation to data ethics, the meaningful involvement of affected communities, informed consent, the digitization of health systems, and HIV criminalization. Although familiar problems in HIV policymaking, concerns about these issues have been reconfigured in response to the new sociotechnical milieu proffered by MHS/CDR, generating new critical positions aiming to remake public health. Critical attention to the scenes within which health policy controversies play out ought to consider how (counter)publics are made, how problems are constituted, and the broader social movement dynamics and activist resources drawn upon to contest and reimagine policymaking in public life.

On the genealogy of the global health justice movement.

In the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic, it is clear that the struggle for global health justice must be our highest priority. To understand the challenges that such a priority faces, we must recognise that this struggle has a long history, and to analyse current challenges within this historical perspective. This commentary explores the gradual construction of the global health justice movement during different historical periods (tropical/colonial medicine, international health, and global health) in the history of approaches to health worldwide. It examines the changing relationship between the political economy of capitalism, colonialism, and racism. It analyses attempts to confront injustice through both human rights and social justice movements in seeking to address stigma and discrimination as well as poverty and social exclusion. It highlights emerging battlegrounds such as access to medical treatments and healthcare services as well as the ways in which private interests continue to undercut such efforts. But it also points to windows of opportunity for defending principles such as solidarity and social inclusion, for building advocacy/analysis alliances and toolkits to inform social movements, and possibilities to reconstruct global health 'governance' mechanisms and institutions in accord with the most basic principles of health justice.

The fight for power: historical women's movements of Russia and Great Britain in comparison.

In the second half of the 19th century, women began to organize worldwide to achieve the goal of gender equality. National women's movements emerged and were followed somewhat later by the first transnational political mobilization of women on a larger scale. The range of topics that were on the national and international agenda included, alongside the access to education and the enforcement of equal civil rights, as well as the fight for political participation, with the women's right to vote taking center stage. The political, social, and cultural contexts, in which women raised their voices, varied. On the national level, female activists often had conflicting positions and their strategies reflected a wide spectrum; the chosen forms and the course of the protest, on the other hand, showed similarities.

A Psicanálise nos Conflitos Políticos: Clínica, Ciência e Coletivos / The Psychoanalysis in Political Conflicts: Clinic, Science and Collectives / El Psicoanálisis en los Conflictos Políticos: Clínica, Ciencia y Colectivos

O artigo desponta da construção de um amplo panorama que localiza afinidades estruturais e tensões problemáticas entre a psicanálise e os coletivos. Nossa revisão de literatura, sobre psicanálise e política, discerne o valor da análise do psicanalista na sustentação da tarefa de subversões políticas do divã às praças públicas. Na sequência, pensamos as repercussões da política da psicanálise frente aos debates que envolvem neurodiversidade/autismo, cientificismo psicoterápico e capitalismo. Pretendemos criticar uma versão alienante da política, versão protagonista dos diferentes temas que abordamos e veiculada pelo agente na função do semblante - a lei, o saber-todo ou o indivíduo hedonista servo de seus mais-de-gozar (discurso capitalista). Na contrapartida dessa versão, está a prática advinda de um Judeu - ou seja, de um corpo que viveu os efeitos do racismo dos discursos, antes mesmo da ascensão do Nazismo - e elaborada através da escuta de algo amordaçado na potencialidade da sexualidade feminina. A partir de tais fatos, argumentamos uma crucial chave de leitura à psicanálise nos conflitos políticos: interrogar a subjetividade de quem psicanalisa. Resultando no questionamento de modalizações conservadoras que marcaram a história da clínica psicanalítica e ainda ressoam no fazer teórico-prático.

The article emerges from the construction of a large panorama that locates structural affinities and problematic tensions between psychoanalysis and collectives. Our literature review on Psychoanalysis and Politics discerns the value of the psychoanalyst's analysis in sustaining the task of political subversions from the divan to the public space. In the sequence, we consider the repercussions of the politics of psychoanalysis in the face of debates involving neurodiversity/autism, psychotherapeutic scientificism and capitalism. We intend to criticize an alienating version of politics, a version that is the protagonist of the different themes we approach and which is conveyed by the agent in the function of the semblant - the law, the all-knowing or the hedonistic individual who is the servant of his own surplus-jouissance (capitalist discourse). The counterpart to this version is the practice coming from a Jew - that is, from a body that lived the effects of the racism of discourses, even before the rise of Nazism - and elaborated by listening to something muzzled in the potentiality of female sexuality. Based on these facts, we argue that there is a crucial key to psychoanalysis in political conflicts: questioning the subjectivity of those who psychoanalyze. This results in the questioning of conservative modalizations that have marked the history of the psychoanalytic clinic and still resonate in the doing of theoretical-practical.

El artículo surge de la construcción de un amplio panorama que localiza afinidades estructurales y tensiones problemáticas entre el psicoanálisis y los colectivos. Nuestra revisión bibliográfica, sobre Psicoanálisis y Política, discute el valor del análisis del psicoanalista para sostener la tarea de subversiones políticas del diván a las plazas públicas. En seguida, pensamos en las repercusiones de la política del psicoanálisis frente a los debates sobre neurodiversidad/autismo, cientificismo psicoterapéutico y capitalismo. Pretendemos criticar una versión alienante de la política, una versión que protagoniza en los diferentes temas que abordamos y que es vehiculada por el agente en el papel del semblante - la ley, el saber-todo o el individuo hedonista siervo de su propio más-de-gozar (discurso capitalista). En la contrapartida de esta versión está la práctica proveniente de un judío - es decir, de un cuerpo que vivió los efectos del racismo de los discursos, incluso antes del ascenso del nazismo - y elaborada al escuchar algo amordazado en la potencialidad de la sexualidad femenina. A partir de estos hechos, sostenemos que hay una clave de lectura crucial del psicoanálisis en los conflictos políticos: cuestionar la subjetividad de quienes psicoanalizan. Esto resulta en el cuestionamiento de las modalidades conservadoras que han marcado la historia de la clínica psicoanalítica y aún resuenan en el hacer teórico-práctico.

A systems science leverage point analysis of climate change advocacy.

Failure of governments across the world to address climate change has fuelled social movements focused on climate-related policy and action. Research analysing these movements has focused mainly on the types of strategies employed including blockades and occupations, marches and petitions, divestment, boycotts and litigation as well as how groups are framing climate change as a problem. What has been largely missed are the ways these groups are framing the change they want to see, that is their demands to governments. Not all demands and actions have the same potential to create the changes needed to mitigate climate change. Used in public health and health promotion, the systems science Intervention Level Framework (ILF) is a tool that can help analyse to what extent different demands have the leverage to create change in a system. We use the ILF to analyse 131 demands from 35 different climate-related advocacy groups in Australia. Results show demands are more focused on lower system leverage points, such as stopping particular projects, rather than on more impactful leverage points, such as the governance structures that determine climate-related policy and decision-making mechanisms. Further, the results highlight the lack of attention on public health related topics of transport and food systems. This paper shows how a systems science framework used in health promotion, the ILF, could enable climate advocacy groups to more effectively target demands to achieve more impactful outcomes from governments, corporations and the public.

Collective action mitigates the negative effects of COVID-19 threat and anti-abortion restrictions on mental health.

BACKGROUND: The COVID-19 pandemic changed our lives in many different domains, forcing people to adapt to countrywide lockdowns, school shutdowns, and business closures. The burden of the COVID-19 pandemic resulted also in deterioration of mental health. At the same time, political conflicts and social inequalities was reinforced and many people engaged in demonstrations to fight for their rights. This study examines whether collective acting for an important cause during the pandemic might mitigate the impact of both political tension related to anti-abortion restrictions and COVID-19 threats on mental health. METHODS: We conducted a two-wave study with a representative sample of the Polish population, investigating the effect of participating in Polish pro-choice demonstrations on depressive and anxiety symptoms. RESULTS: Participating in protests attenuated the negative effects of COVID-19 threat and anti-abortion restrictions on mental health. Moreover, we found that the feeling of solidarity with other demonstrators and sense of agency derived from such demonstrations led to lower levels of depressive and anxiety symptoms. CONCLUSION: The results of the study indicate that participating in meaningful and value-oriented collective action may serve as a buffer against the detrimental effects of social and health threats.