ABSTRACT
PIP: This article considers whether women's importance to the success of the Zimbabwean liberation struggle that took place from 1966-80 resulted in the fulfillment of the promises of the male resistance leadership to replace traditional patriarchal subjugation with equality. The introduction notes that the answer to this is complex because actions taken that were beneficial to women were taken for gender-neutral reasons and, therefore, left the patriarchy intact. Women have also gained because their participation in the struggle helped them learn to question assumptions and understand basic human rights, but the goals of the liberation struggle have not been realized for women. The article continues to apply a human rights perspective to an examination of Zimbabwean women's legal status, representation in government, empowerment through education, economic participation, and access to health and welfare. The conclusion of the article points out that not only have women not achieved full human rights in Zimbabwe, there have also been disturbing examples of a backlash against female emancipation including 1) the government-authorized arrests of women who happened to be walking around at night in September 1983, 2) calls for the repeal of laws beneficial to women, and 3) incidences when female university students were publicly stripped of their modern garb (this led to a 1998 protest by more than 100 women).^ieng
Subject(s)
Education , Evaluation Studies as Topic , Health , Human Rights , Legislation as Topic , Politics , Social Change , Social Class , Warfare , Women's Rights , Women , Africa , Africa South of the Sahara , Africa, Eastern , Developing Countries , Economics , Socioeconomic Factors , ZimbabweABSTRACT
The author examines the status of female migrant workers in Santiago, Chile, in the 1980s, with a focus on the level of poverty and social inequalities. Aspects considered include "the dramatic transformation in domestic service, the increase in the number of non-migrant, lower class women participating in the economy, and the limited and precarious status of women's employment in the more dynamic sectors of the economy." (SUMMARY IN ENG)
Subject(s)
Economics , Emigration and Immigration , Employment , Poverty , Social Change , Social Class , Transients and Migrants , Women's Rights , Americas , Chile , Demography , Developing Countries , Health Workforce , Latin America , Population , Population Dynamics , Socioeconomic Factors , South AmericaABSTRACT
PIP: A new study called "Poor, propertyless, and pregnant" that classified the condition of women in 99 countries found women in Sweden, Finland, and the US to enjoy the best legal and social conditions and the greatest degree of equality with men. The worst discrimination against women occurred in Bangladesh, Mali, Afghanistan, North Yemen, Pakistan, Nigeria, and Saudi Arabia. Women do not have complete equality with men in any country. But over 60% of the world's female population lives in countries where extensive poverty and sexual discrimination have created conditions of deprivation. One of the principal mechanisms that negatively influences the condition of women is early procreation; early and frequent childbirth obliterates women's chances for education and paid employment. Feminization of poverty is becoming universal, largely because a growing proportion of households are headed by women with dependent children. In developed and developing countries alike, working women with families work a double day. Although the struggle for legal and social equality for women takes different forms in different countries, certain basic measures can be applied by all governments. Reforms are needed to give women access to more remunerative jobs, equal property rights, and access to credit. Greater investments are needed in reproductive health and in education and training for women. Governments, employers, and husbands should recognize the social value of childbirth and child rearing. The study is divided into 5 sections, each of which has 4 series of data, so that each country is evaluated on 20 variables. The 5 sections are health, nuptiality and children, education, economic participation, and social equality. In most developed countries women live an average of 7 years longer than men, but in developing countries the difference is only 2 years. Complications of pregnancy and childbirth cause the deaths of over 500,000 women each year and affect another 5 million, mostly in developing countries. The condition and welfare of women are tightly linked to 3 factors: age at marriage, beginning of procreation, and capacity to regulate and space pregnancies. Women's status is also influenced by whether they are married and their rights to divorce. In developing countries about 45% of women are illiterate, compared to 25% of men. The salaries of women do not equal those of men in any country. Only Finland and Sweden have been unreservedly committed to providing equal political rights and legal protection against sexual discrimination.^ieng
Subject(s)
Developed Countries , Developing Countries , Education , Family Characteristics , Health Planning Guidelines , Human Rights , Maternal Welfare , Poverty , Social Class , Women's Rights , Economics , Health , Research , Socioeconomic FactorsABSTRACT
PIP: This study analyzes the process of formation of a female proletariat in the Industrial Section of the Manaus Tax-free Zone, Brazil. The history and personal stories of women who, in a very short time, go from being "riverians" in the Amazon jungle to skilled and semi-skilled assemblers of televisions, videos, and computers in the electronic industry, serve as the basis for studying the effects of the leap in time equal to centuries of civilization that these women accomplish. In following the integration of these women an attempt is made to understand their everyday trajectories in the factory and in the family. This approach allows the identification of the bilateral aspect of changes in the process of adaptation between labor and capital so that one can identify behavioral adjustment in labor relations both by supervisory management and by the workers. Among the author's findings are that 1) family organization does not follow the traditional couple form, but that 2) 2 regularities can nonetheless be identified: the presence of an older woman (mother of the worker) and the weak or non-systemic presence; or even the non-existence of; a man as family support. Fully understanding this family framework and the more independent position of this new type of working woman in Manaus will demand a deeper analysis of the roots of their historical heritage. Up to now that record has been practically unknown.^ieng
Subject(s)
Acculturation , Economics , Employment , Industry , Social Change , Social Class , Social Planning , Socioeconomic Factors , Americas , Brazil , Developed Countries , Developing Countries , Family Characteristics , Health Workforce , Latin America , South AmericaABSTRACT
PIP: The economically active population has grown rapidly in Brazil, resulting either from population growth or increased female participation in the work force. This rhythm of growth will continue at least until the end of this century. The authors suggest that the impact of the recent decline in fertility will be moderate and will only affect the younger age groups. Despite the rapid growth of employment in the processing industry, the relative size of the so-called informal sector has remained stable since 1950. It is further predicted that, given the economically active population's rate of growth and the decrease in employment in agriculture, there will be a great demand for urban employment in the next 20 years.^ieng
Subject(s)
Economics , Employment , Health Workforce , Social Class , Socioeconomic Factors , Agriculture , Americas , Brazil , Developed Countries , Developing Countries , Fertility , Forecasting , Latin America , South America , Statistics as TopicABSTRACT
PIP: Northern Belize, composed of Orange Walk and Corozal districts, is the sugar-producing region of Belize, a newly independent country on the Caribbean coast of Central America, and because of the extensive involvement in the modern sugar industry, existing status differentials in Orange Walk have increased. Town farmers have increased their sugarcane license sizes more than villagers and also are much more likely to meet or exceed their delivery quotas than villagers. There has been the differentiation of a new middle socioeconomic stratum in Orange Walk, with a much higher proportion of villagers remaining in the lower stratum than townspeople. With greater involvement in the market economy, there has been a decline in the social integration of groups in the district as well as less symbiosis between husband and wife and among related male age mates. Some people now consistently work for others; there was an egalitarian labor exchange before. With the decline in subsistence production, the extensive reciprocity in food among related women diminishes. Women have participated in the overall changes in Orange Walk, yet their position vis-a-vis men has become weaker. Women are most likely to hold licenses in the communities that participated earliest in the sugar industry and that are the most traditional. With greater market involvement, women become less likely to hold licenses. Women's licenses have not increased to the same degree as those of men. And, with the income from sugar and wage labor, the family income is more and more viewed as belonging to men, rather than being the result of a joint family enterprise. Women become dependent on what men give them, with less control and security. With declining subsistence production, women have a reduced basis of involvement in traditional reciprocal food exchanges with other households. They lose some independent sources of money income with the result of increasing undernutrition for young children. The economic developments with the sugar industry reinforced the traditional sexual division of labor and enhanced the position of men; it undermined sources of economic security controlled by women. The holding of sugarcane licenses by women is not the base it might be, since women do not engage in the actual production themselves. Women have responded by increasing their sexuality and childbearing to influence their men and by closer bonds with their children for old age security. New bases for women have appeared, but in small numbers, such as school teaching and office work. Since the population is growing more rapidly than the creation of new employment, this is not a widely available option. Prospects for the future involve further manifestations of the processes already examined.^ieng
Subject(s)
Agriculture , Behavior , Economics , Gender Identity , Industry , Social Behavior , Social Change , Social Class , Social Planning , Socioeconomic Factors , Women's Rights , Americas , Belize , Central America , Developed Countries , Developing Countries , Latin America , North America , OrganizationsABSTRACT
PIP: This study analyzes the occupational prestige of women workers born in Cuba and Mexico, who were at least 25 years of age at the time of immigration to the US. The empirical results indicate that the process of converting resources (examples, age, schooling, US residence) differ by both sex and nationality, with the Mexican males and females being more similar to each other than to Cubans, and vice versa. Mexicans have a more favorable 'conversion' of resources into prestige, but a lower level of resources. Immigrant women appear to be somewhat more disadvantaged relative to immigrant men, than are women workers in general, and both groups of women enjoy lower occupational prestige than their male counterparts. Unlike the case of male immigrants, US work experience tends to decrease the prestige scores for females. So does southern residence. The pattern of achieving occupational prestige is unique among women immigrants, despite nationality differences. The data suggest that the social mobility process for female immigrants differ from the process for males, perhaps because of cultural barriers that make entry to 'pink collar' jobs difficult. For instance, the widespread segregation of the labor market makes it more difficult for these women than for males to acquire useful information leading to better jobs. Their US experience thus need not be of much value. 2ndly, the existing jobs require immigrant women to learn English or other new skills at their own expense, or to turn their foreign credentials into those acceptable for the US market. Finally, relative concentration in the South may negatively women's occupational prestige, more so than men's. Immigrant women are also handicapped by a view of themselves as 'supplementary earners', and are more apprehensive about job market changes due to an unfamiliarity with American customs. Family responsibilities often hinder immigrant women's upward mobility, locking them into routine jobs with few avenues for advancement.^ieng
Subject(s)
Culture , Emigration and Immigration , Employment , Ethnicity , Hispanic or Latino , Minority Groups , Psychology , Sex Factors , Social Class , Socioeconomic Factors , Transients and Migrants , Women's Rights , Americas , Behavior , Caribbean Region , Cuba , Demography , Developed Countries , Developing Countries , Economics , Educational Status , Health Workforce , Latin America , North America , Population , Population Characteristics , Population Dynamics , Research , United StatesABSTRACT
PIP: This article, using a Mexican national survey, provides a profile of temporary Mexican female migrants in the US labor market. The usual association between occupational groups and wage rates does not hold up, with women in unskilled jobs averaging nearly the same wages as while collar women. The dramatic exception is private household workers, who earn less than 1/4 of the wage rates of other women. Although the distribution of wage rates across occupational groups for migrant women is not easily explained by schooling or potential work experience, wage rates seem to be positively correlated with marriage and childrearing. This is partly explained by the fact that married women are more likely to have the option of not working outside the home, and also that the labor market contacts provided by husbands may be helpful in securing more remunerative jobs. Migration networks make the region of origin in Mexico strongly correlate with wage rate variations across occupational groups for women. Although women are found to have more schooling, higher legal status, more US work experience and are more likely to come from regions with well developed migration networks than men, women average upto $7 less per day--a phenomenon largely explained by the labor market segmentation. A lack of legal status constrains women's job opportunities more than men's: over 90% of the women without entry permits are in the low paying private household sector, compared with less than 1/4 of those with some legal status. This connection between lack of proper legal status and low status jobs does not seem to prevent women from migrating illegally--more than 1/2 the women migrant studied had no legal status at all. This study concludes that women do not necessarily follow men in migration, and their labor market functions are quite distinct from those of men.^ieng
Subject(s)
Data Collection , Emigration and Immigration , Employment , Ethnicity , Income , Minority Groups , Salaries and Fringe Benefits , Sex Factors , Social Class , Socioeconomic Factors , Statistics as Topic , Transients and Migrants , Women's Rights , Americas , Central America , Culture , Demography , Developed Countries , Developing Countries , Economics , Educational Status , Health Workforce , Latin America , Marital Status , Mexico , North America , Population , Population Characteristics , Population Dynamics , Research , Sampling Studies , United StatesABSTRACT
PIP: The rapid industrialization, migration and urbanization processes in Puerto Rico since 1940 have been responsible for the increase in the rate of female employment from 22.1% in 1960 to 27.8% in 1980, while the rate of male employment has fallen. This rise in female employment is significant in an era of growing unemployment and economic crises. There is a tendency for management to prefer young, single women workers over the older, married or formerly married women. The former tend to be better educated, work harder, complain less and are likely to be burdened with household or childcare responsibilities, which can lead to fatigue or even absenteism on the job. Their strong background in patriarchal rural traditions makes it easier for them to accept the authority of thier employers without question. With a knowledge that they can find other, similar work, the younger women are not troubled by plant problems such as production cutbacks, and layoffs. Their primary concern is not job stability, but money, which is used for future plans which include marriage, children and a new home. In contrast, older women view job security as more important. Their years of being in the labor force and the sense of self worth they have acquired as a result of it, tend to make them critical of authority. The contribution of working women to the household economy in Puerto Rican working class families varies with age and marital status. Older, married and formerly married women carry a heavier financial burden, assume a larger share of household responsibilities, and are often the sole supporters of their families. Younger women usually share their responsibilities with a relatively large number of siblings. Export-led industrialization has contributed to male outmigration from Puerto Rico, but as women lose their factory jobs due the factories being relocaged elsewhere as part of Operation Bootstrap, women too may join the migration flows.^ieng
Subject(s)
Economics , Employment , Income , Industry , Marital Status , Psychology , Social Class , Socioeconomic Factors , Urbanization , Women's Rights , Americas , Behavior , Caribbean Region , Demography , Developed Countries , Developing Countries , Emigration and Immigration , Family Characteristics , Family Relations , Geography , Health Workforce , Latin America , Marriage , North America , Population , Puerto Rico , Unemployment , Urban PopulationABSTRACT
PIP: Considerable interdependence exists between the household and work place in the lives of Dominican migrant women in the US, according to this study based on data gathered largely from fieldwork conducted in the US and Dominican Republic from 1980-83. It is observed that while women's participation in wage work contributes to an improvement in domestic and social relations, these household level changes do not, in turn, translate into greater awareness of the migrant women, or demands for improved working conditions. On the contrary, in many cases, work has helped reinforce their lower status in the labor force because it has allowed women to redefine their roles as wives and mothers in a more satisfying manner than was the case prior to their employment and residence in the US. Although the jobs held by Dominican garment workers would place them in the ranks of the working class, the majority of them tend to identify themselves as middle class. Paradoxically, the beliefs about immigration and work which are rooted in the family, and the immigration goals which are realized through more egalitarian relationships at home, militate against a working class identification and the resulting organized resistance in the work place.^ieng
Subject(s)
Emigration and Immigration , Employment , Family Characteristics , Family Relations , Psychology , Social Class , Transients and Migrants , Women's Rights , Americas , Behavior , Caribbean Region , Demography , Developed Countries , Developing Countries , Dominican Republic , Economics , Health Workforce , Latin America , North America , Population , Population Dynamics , Socioeconomic Factors , United StatesABSTRACT
PIP: This study, based on interviews with Mexican documented and undocumented women workers in Los Angeles county, finds that most of the women in both categories work in factories. Contrary to popular impression, only 10% of the undocumented women in this survey are engaged in private household employment, although 19% were so employed when they 1st came to the US. Despite this obvious change in occupation, in general occupational mobility from 1st jobs is insignificant. On the average, undocumented women's hourly rate of pay was 40 US cents higher than the minimum wage, and US$1.57 lower than the average documented women's wages. Within the same occupational category, the undocumented women earned less per hour. The smallest difference occured in the 'laborer's' category. Another departure from popular impression was that, 76% of undocumented workers were paid by check. The figure was 94% for documented women workers. The respondents who said they were paid in cash were most likely to be in the private household sector. 80% of the undocumented workers did not think that they were discriminated against in their jobs, suggesting that they are a rather timid group of workers who believe that they have no real options regarding their work life, and are relatively satisfied with what they have. Almost all the women said that they came to the US with the intention of staying permanently, or as long as they are not caught and sent back to Mexico, which is their biggest fear. Better job and better pay are the most important reasons given by most women for coming. Being temporarily laid off would not prompt them to return to Mexico, as they are confident that their chances of finding another minimum wage paying job are better in the US. A closek knit network of support usually tides them over during their period of joblessness.^ieng
Subject(s)
Employment , Ethnicity , Hispanic or Latino , Income , Interviews as Topic , Salaries and Fringe Benefits , Sampling Studies , Social Class , Transients and Migrants , Americas , Culture , Data Collection , Demography , Developed Countries , Developing Countries , Economics , Emigration and Immigration , Health Workforce , Mexico , North America , Population , Population Characteristics , Population Dynamics , Psychology , Research , Socioeconomic Factors , United StatesABSTRACT
PIP: The time-budget method of collecting information on rural Nicaraguan women is felt to be an ideal method of data collection in this situation. This method details what a person does, when it is done, and how much time is required; information difficult to obtain solely through recall. 3 types of women were observed in the collection of data: 1) housewives who work at home without pay; 2) potters who make clay pots in their homes and sell them; and 3) women who work in factories for at least 8 hours daily. The time-budget results yielded information on child-care and food-preparation details of their lives. The observation method was useful in obtaining information on the actual sexual division of labor. It is felt that this sort of information will be useful to development planners in assessing needs and evaluating program results when formulating programs in these rural areas.^ieng