[Spatial distribution of population in the metropolitan area of Mexico City, 1950-1990]. / Distribucion espacial de la poblacion en la Zona Metropolitana de la Ciudad de Mexico, 1950-1990.

"This study explores how the spatial distribution of population in the Metropolitan Area of Mexico City (MAMC) has changed between 1950 and 1990. First of all it presents the structural concepts of this research, and then analyzes the growth and spatial distribution of the MAMC population.... The results of this study indicate that MAMC: (i) continues to decrease in its central areas, (ii) presents a process of home location with expanding waves and moments of consolidation, (iii) has a many-centered metropolitan structure, and (iv) the dominating center separates progressively from the traditional center and is already located in the State of Mexico." (SUMMARY IN ENG)

[Forms of population mobility in Bogota and its impact on metropolitan area dynamics: methodology of a survey system]. / Las formas de movilidad de la poblacion de Bogota y su impacto sobre la dinamica del area metropolitana: metodologia de un sistema de encuestas.

PIP: The authors discuss the methodology of a project that aimed to improve knowledge of the dynamics of the population of Bogota, Colombia, and particularly of the spatial mobility of the population and changes in different areas of the metropolitan region.^ieng

[Migration toward medium-sized cities. Profound regional transformations]. / Migracion hacia las ciudades de tamano intermedio. Profundas transformaciones regionales.

PIP: Significant changes have occurred over the past two decades in the volume, intensity, direction, and modalities of internal migration in Mexico. Interstate migration, for example, has increased greatly. The number of persons living in a state different from that of their birth grew from 7.5 million in 1970 to 15.4 million in 1990, equivalent to 14.5% and 18.1% of the population, respectively. The growing volume and intensity of interstate migration have been accompanied by a declining rate of migration to Mexico City and to a lesser extent Guadalajara and Monterrey. Cities of intermediate size, defined as 100,000 to one million inhabitants, have multiplied since 1970 and a few have achieved great economic and demographic dynamism. In 1970, 16.6% of the population or 33.6% of the urban population lived in 37 intermediate cities, while by 1990 nearly 23.7% of the population and 39.0% of the urban population lived in 56 intermediate sized cities. Census and survey data confirm the power of attraction of a group of intermediate cities, but also reveal a complex array of situations. 24 of the 56 intermediate cities had populations of 100,000-250,000, and 21 had populations of 250,000-500,000. Most intermediate cities are located in the Northwest, Center-North, or Gulf regions. Some states have a number of intermediate cities and some have only one that concentrates most of the urban population. 26 of the 56 had growth rates over the two decades of over 4% annually and 20 had rates varying from 3% to 4%. 1990 census data show that 35% or more of the population were in-migrants in five cities: Tijuana, Mexicali and Ensenada in the Northwest, Cuernavaca in the Center-North, and Cancun in the Yucatan peninsula. Between 20% and 34% of the population were in-migrants in 14 intermediate cities. Cancun and Tijuana had the highest proportions of recent migrants. The volume of net migration of most states generally reflected that of their intermediate cities. The economic crisis of the 1980s disproportionately affected the largest cities, reducing their attractiveness.^ieng

[The process of metropolizing Monterrey: there must be a long-term plan]. / El proceso de metropolizacion de Monterrey: hay que planear a largo plazo.

PIP: Monterrey achieved metropolitan status in the 1950s, when it expanded toward the municipios of Guadalupe and San Nicolas de los Garza. 93.6% of the total metropolitan population at that time lived in the municipio of Monterrey. Between 1950 and 1960 metropolitan Monterrey grew at an annual rate of 6.7% and the population nearly doubled. In the 1960s three other municipios were added to the metropolitan area, for a total of seven, and the share of the population living in the municipio of Monterrey dropped to 68.3%. From 1970 to 1980, metropolitan Monterrey's annual growth rate declined to 4.6%, and only one municipio was added. The municipio of Monterrey had a growth rate of 2.2%, while the surrounding municipios had rates several times higher. The process of metropolitanization decelerated considerably between 1980 and 1990, with an annual growth rate of 2.5% for the metropolitan region, the lowest since 1910-21. The municipio of Monterrey had a negative growth of -0.2% in the 1980s. Industrialization was the main determinant of metropolitan growth in Monterrey. Industrial growth was most rapid between 1950 and 1970, when 10.4% of national industry was located in Monterrey. Monterrey was seriously affected by the economic crisis of the 1980s, suffering a decline of 1.1% annually and a reduction of its share of national industry to 8.8% by 1988. If the economic recuperation of 1988-92 continues, Monterrey is projected to increase by 75% in population and 60% in urban area in the next 20 years, implying the need for tremendous infrastructural construction. Longterm planning must be carried out to minimize the problems of growth and size in Monterrey and to assure an adequate economic foundation for the metropolis.^ieng

[Concentration or decline in Puebla?]. / Concentracion o desconcentracion en Puebla?

PIP: Some doubts have been expressed over whether the slowing pace of urbanization suggested by the 1990 census of Mexico was an accurate reflection of changing conditions, or whether it resulted from some intentional or unintended bias. Comparison of data from succeeding censuses indicates that the growth rate of the city of Puebla declined from 6.32% in 1980 to 2.63% in 1990. This work argues that, in Puebla, a trend to deconcentration of the population within the city of Puebla during the 1980s was accompanied by rapid growth in smaller and medium sized nearby cities, resulting in increased overall concentration in Puebla's metropolitan area. The absolute population of the city of Puebla increased from 772,908 in 1980 to 1,007,170 in 1990. The central area of the state of Puebla, which surrounds the city, increased its share of the state population from 51.67% in 1980 to 52.21% in 1990. The number of places with over 5000 inhabitants in the area surrounding the city of Puebla increased from 27 in 1980 to 39 in 1990. Construction of the Puebla-Atlixco highway will undoubtedly attract growth to the area southwest of Puebla. Small cities to the east of Puebla have shown significant growth although their region remains strongly rural. The same process of deconcentration of population in Puebla and concentration in its surrounding metropolitan regions can probably also be detected in patterns of investment of public funds. The trend is likely to continue through the 1990s.^ieng

[An information system for the study of the urban structure of Mexico City]. / Un sistema de informacion para el estudio de la estructura urbana de la ciudad de Mexico.

PIP: The author describes SIUMEX, a program she developed to analyze the urban structure of Mexico City. The program was used in 1990 to examine the city's spatial distribution and to measure the physical expansion of the urban region. Other applications for the program are briefly described.^ieng

Differential urban growth as a process of redistribution of population: a case study of Sao Paulo state, Brazil.

"This paper identifies the process of the differential concentration of population in urban areas....[Data for the state of Sao Paulo, Brazil, have] been subjected to an ambiguous model of development. This model is reflected in the pattern of population distribution."

[From rings to segregation. Mexico City, 1950-1987]. / De los anillos a la segregacion. La ciudad de Mexico, 1950-1987.

The author discusses different methods of urban analysis, using the example of Mexico City, Mexico. "In this work two outlines are used: a concentric one that reflects the city's expansion and a segregated one that sees the 'different cities' within. We analyze the commercial occupation of central areas and the growth due to the expansion of the periphery from 1950 to 1986. In both processes, the massive expulsion of the inhabitants appears, firstly as an effect and secondly as a cause. This fact serves as an argument to explore certain proposals in a prospective dimension. In the technical [spatial] analysis we generally avoid the design of the city itself. Here we approach some design ideas without forgetting their social dimension." (SUMMARY IN ENG)

[The urbanization of Latin America]. / La metropolizacion de America Latina.

PIP: The author examines the process of metropolitan growth in Latin America. The history and features of the process are described, and the spatial implications for the region are analyzed.^ieng

[Experiences of the urbanization process in Venezuela]. / Incidencias del proceso de urbanizacion en Venezuela

PIP: The process of urbanization and urban growth in relation to economic development in Venezuela is analyzed. Four periods are considered: the period prior to the discovery of oil in Venezuela, which ended in the early 1940s; from the 1940s to the early 1970s; from the 1970s to 1983; and the present. Information is provided for the period 1936-1981 on total and urban population growth and on the size and number of urban centers.^ieng

Urban population growth and urbanization in the Caribbean.

PIP: The structure, sources, consequences, and policy implications of urbanization and of the rapid growth of the urban population in the Caribbean are examined. In particular, a comparative analysis of the situation in Barbados, Guyana, Jamaica, and Trinidad and Tobago is presented. Data are from a variety of secondary sources, including those published by the United Nations and the World Bank. The need to reorient policies to favor rural rather than urban areas in order to reduce rural-urban migration is noted.^ieng

[Urbanization in Latin America: the process of the development of peripheries to metropolitan areas]. / La urbanizacion en America Latina: el proceso de constitucion de periferias en las areas metropolitanas.

PIP: Trends in urbanization in Latin America are reviewed. The focus is on the development of peripheral, low-income urban areas adjoining major urban centers during the period since the 1970s.^ieng

[Trends and characteristics of urbanization in the Third World, the day before yesterday to the day after tomorrow (1900-2025)]. / Tendances et caracteristiques de l'urbanisation du Tiers Monde d'avant-hier a apres-demain (1900-2025).

PIP: This article reviews the history of Third World urbanization, examines the evolution of the urban population from 1970-80 based on the 1st results of the 1980 round of censuses, and examines the prospects for urbanization through the end of the century and the year 2025. From 1910 to World War II the urban population in all Third World countries grew more rapidly than the total population. Both rates of growth were moderate compared to subsequent rates. Total Third World population grew by about .9%/year while the urban population grew at 2.2%/year. From 1950-80 total population grew at 2.2% and the urban population by 4.6%. The urban growth took place in the absence of economic developments capable of explaining or justifying it. Urban growth accounted in large part for the extraordinary increase in cereal importation to the Third World. In 1980 it was estimated that 26.5% of the population if Africa, 63.1% in Latin America, and 25.4% in Asian countries excluding China were urban. A characteristic of third World urbanization is the strong concentration of population in large cities; 43% of the urban population currently lives in cities with population of over 500,000. In Third World market countries, total population growth from 1970-80 is provisionally estimated at 2.5-2.6%/year, while according to UN estimates urban population growth amounted to 4.2%/year and other estimates place population growth amounted to 4.2%/year and other estimates place it at 4.4%/year. The growth of the urban population in China from 1970-80 was estimated at 3.3%/year by the UN. During the 75 years from 1950-2025, the Third World urban population is expected to multiply by a factor of 16, from less than 200 million to over 3 billion. The urban population in 2025 projected by the UN amounts to 837 million in Africa, 724 million in Latin America, and 1.6 billion in Asian market countries, but there is some suggestion that the projection errs on the low side. Increases in food production on the order of 1.9%/year will be required through 2025 to feed the new urban population at the current level. Around the year 2000, cities of 1 million or more will contain about 46% of the urban population and 21% of the total population. The largest Third World cities will continue to grow despite their poor living conditions and lack of economic justification, and the low incomes of the inhabitants will increase the difficulty of improving living standards. Predictions as far ahead as 2025 are hazardous, but it is likely that the rate of growth of the largest cities will have abated somewhat.^ieng

The evolution of metropolitan spaces in Brazil.

"... The purpose of this paper is to show briefly the demographic differences and similarities in the evolution of the metropolitan spaces in Brazil, from 1940 to 1980." The data are from official sources. Extensive statistical data are included in appendixes.

Metropolitan migration and population growth in selected developing countries.

PIP: The purpose of this article is to estimate the components of metropolitan population growth in selected developing countries during 1960-1970 period. The study examines population growth in 26 cities: 5 are in Africa, 8 in Asia, and 13 in Latin America, using data from national census publications. These cities in general are the political capitals of their countries, but some additional large cities were selected in Brazil, Mexico, and South Africa. All cities, at the beginning of the 1960-1970 decade had over 500,000 population; Accra, the only exception, reached this population level during the 1960s. Some cities had over 4 million residents in 1970. Net migration contributed about 37% to total metropolitan population growth; the remainder of the growth is attributable to natural increase. Migration has a much stronger impact on metropolitan growth than suggested by the above figure: 1) Several metropolitan areas, for various reasons, are unlikely to receive many migrants; without those cities, the share of metropolitan growth from net migration is 44%. 2) Estimates of the natural increase of migrants after their arrival in the metropolitan areas, when added to migration itself, changes the total contribution of migration to 49% in some metropolitan areas. 3) Even where net migration contributes a smaller proportion to metropolitan growth than natural increase, the rates of net migration are generally high and should be viewed in the context of rapid metropolitan population growth from natural increase alone. Finally, the paper also compares the components of metropolitan growth with the components of growth in the remaining urban areas. The results show that the metropolitan areas, in general, grow faster than the remaining urban areas, and that this more rapid growth is mostly due to a higher rate of net migration. Given the significance of migration for metropolitan growth, further investigations of the effects of these migration streams, particularly with respect to in-migration and out-migration, would greatly benefit understanding of the detailed and interconnected process of population growth, migration, employment and social welfare of city residents.^ieng

[Determinants of the rural exodus: the importance of place of origin factors, Chile, 1965-1970]. / Determinantes del exodo rural: importancia de factores del lugar de origen, Chile, 1965-70

PIP: Trends in rural-urban migration in Chile during the period 1965-1970 are analyzed, with a focus on the impact of the combination of structural factors and socioeconomic processes in rural areas. Factors of population retention and expulsion are examined in terms of agrarian structure, the process of agrarian reform, urbanization of the countryside, and the availability of basic social services. Rural-urban migration rates in the central and southern areas of the country are compared, and migration rates of males and females are examined.^ieng

[Notes concerning the Latin American metropolitanization process]. / Consideraciones en torno al proceso de metropolizacion de America Latina

PIP: Some dimensions and implications of the urbanization process in Latin America are discussed. The degree of centralization of various social and economic functions is examined, and patterns of increased population concentration are reviewed. Needs and resources associated with metropolitan areas are outlined, with a focus on environmental deterioration and on changes in income distribution and basic service requirements. The case of Santiago, Chile, is explored in an attempt to determine the effects of these needs on major types of land use. The costs and benefits of metropolitan growth are noted, and alternatives to continued growth are considered.^ieng