'At the end of their relationship, that man offered her a house': Qualitatively exploring Congolese women's agency in navigating sexual relations with UN peacekeepers within the context of a patriarchal setting in eastern DRC.

The UN's Zero Tolerance Policy, which bans all relationships between UN staff and locals, portrays all relationships as exploitative, fails to account for nuances in these relationships and does not acknowledge the agency of local women or communities. This study uses community-based qualitative data from eastern DRC that shares narratives on a wide variety of consensual relationships between peacekeepers and local women. Our paper uses a data-driven approach, including a post-colonial feminist lens, and ideas of structural agency to provide an expanded definition of agency that invites readers to re-examine their views of women in conflict settings. Finally, we provide clear recommendations for the UN and other international non-governmental agencies on policies related to sexual exploitation and abuse.

Organizational affective commitment effects on militaries' well-being during a deployment: A study of a peacekeeping mission.

Based on the Conservation of Resources Theory, this longitudinal study analyzes the contribution of organizational affective commitment during the preparation phase of a peacekeeping mission (T1) to explain the well-being of soldiers during that mission (T2). A sample of 409 Brazilian army participants in the MINUSTAH (United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti) was used in two waves - preparation of the troops in Brazil, and their deployment in Haitian territory. The data analysis was performed using structural equation modeling. The results supported organizational affective commitment during the preparation phase (T1) positively predicting the general well-being (perception of health and general satisfaction with life) of these soldiers during the deployment phase (T2). The workplace well-being (i.e. work engagement) of these peacekeepers was also found to mediate this relationship. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed, and limitations and suggestions for future research are presented.

Cholera in the Time of MINUSTAH: Experiences of Community Members Affected by Cholera in Haiti.

In 2010, Haiti experienced one of the deadliest cholera outbreaks of the 21st century. United Nations (UN) peacekeepers are widely believed to have introduced cholera, and the UN has formally apologized to Haitians and accepted responsibility. The current analysis examines how Haitian community members experienced the epidemic and documents their attitudes around accountability. Using SenseMaker, Haitian research assistants collected micronarratives surrounding 10 UN bases in Haiti. Seventy-seven cholera-focused micronarratives were selected for a qualitative thematic analysis. The five following major themes were identified: (1) Cholera cases and deaths; (2) Accessing care and services; (3) Protests and riots against the UN; (4) Compensation; and (5) Anti-colonialism. Findings highlight fear, frustration, anger, and the devastating impact that cholera had on families and communities, which was sometimes compounded by an inability to access life-saving medical care. Most participants believed that the UN should compensate cholera victims through direct financial assistance but there was significant misinformation about the UN's response. In conclusion, Haiti's cholera victims and their families deserve transparent communication and appropriate remedies from the UN. To rebuild trust in the UN and foreign aid, adequate remedies must be provided in consultation with victims.

'White Child Gone Bankrupt'-The Intersection of Race and Poverty in Youth Fathered by UN Peacekeepers.

Children fathered and abandoned by United Nations peacekeepers are an unintended consequence of peacekeeping operations. Research suggests that the social identity of peacekeeper-fathered children (PKFC) is complex and contradictory. While economically disadvantaged, PKFC's biracial background confers elements of racial privilege. Using the Democratic Republic of Congo as a case study, the present research evaluates the impact of racial differences on PKFC's social standing. Drawing on in-depth interviews with a racially heterogeneous sample of 35 PKFC and 60 mothers, we analyse how race and poverty interact and cause PKFC's conflicting social role. The data demonstrates that being of mixed race leads to the expectation of a higher living standard. Since most PKFC live in extreme economic deprivation, their anticipated privilege contrasts with reality. We found that the stigmatizing effects of poverty were amplified by biracial identification, leading to additional disadvantage, epitomised in the term "Muzungu aliye homba" [white child gone bankrupt]. The findings add to research on 'children born of war' and show the role of culture in shaping youth's social identities. Based on PKFC's intersecting burdens, we make policy recommendations that address the nexus of race and poverty.

"It's because We are 'Loose Girls' That's why We had Children with MINUSTAH Soldiers": A Qualitative Analysis of Stigma Experienced by Peacekeeper-Fathered Children and Their Mothers in Haiti.

Sexual abuse and exploitation (SEA) perpetrated by UN peacekeepers while on mission is a violation of human rights and undermines the goal of upholding human rights in countries that host peacekeeping missions. In addition to survivors, children fathered by peacekeepers are also victims of SEA that need protection. Stigma poses negative life course consequences for SEA survivors and their peacekeeper-fathered children. However, there is a considerable lack of empirical research concerning the stigma experiences of SEA survivors and their children in post-colonial contexts. The present study addresses this knowledge gap by drawing on The United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti as a case study to examine the lived experiences of stigma among SEA survivors and their resultant children. Using 18 qualitative semi-structured interviews conducted in 2017 with Haitian women raising peacekeeper-fathered children, we organized qualitative codes according to Link and Phelan's conceptual model of stigma. The stigmatization process was explored through the themes of labeling, stereotyping, separation, and status loss and discrimination, as described by Link and Phelan. In addition, we nuanced the lived experiences of stigma by discussing the buffering roles of familial acceptance, skin phenotype, and the Haitian context. The findings have implications for the UN. We advocate that stigma be recognized and acted upon as a fundamental protection concern for SEA survivors and their children. Accordingly, the UN has an obligation to provide stigma-related supports for victims and complainants as well as to facilitate long-term child support for the children left behind by peacekeepers.

A threat rather than a resource: why voicing internal criticism is difficult in international organisations.

Voicing criticism seems to be a difficult task for employees in international organisations (IOs), as numerous anecdotes in the literature suggest. This observation is alarming, since internal criticism is an indispensable resource for organisational learning processes. So why are IOs apparently not using this resource to its full potential? The present article is the first to provide a comprehensive answer to this question by combining insights from organisation theory with an empirical case study of the UN Secretariat. My general argument is that 'criticism from within' is ambivalent. It can be a resource for, but also a threat to IOs: internal criticism can endanger an IO's external reputation as well as destabilise the organisation from within. Based on this theoretical understanding, I identify and empirically examine three specific reasons for the UN Secretariat's weak criticism culture: (1) Criticism is suppressed due to a widespread fear of leaks resulting from external pressures. (2) Criticism is avoided as a strategy of self-protection in the face of (inevitable) failures. (3) Constructive criticism is difficult to express in settings where organisational hypocrisy is necessary.

'They came with cholera when they were tired of killing us with bullets': Community perceptions of the 2010 origin of Haiti's cholera epidemic.

In 2010 following a catastrophic earthquake, Haiti saw the beginning of what would become the world's largest cholera epidemic. Nepalese United Nations peacekeepers were later implicated as the source of cholera. Our research examines Haitian community beliefs and perceptions, six-and-a-half years after the outbreak began, regarding the origin of Haiti's cholera outbreak. A narrative capture tool was used to record micronarratives of Haitian participants surrounding ten United Nations bases across Haiti. Seventy-seven micronarratives focused on cholera were selected for qualitative analysis from a larger dataset. Three themes emerged: who introduced cholera to Haiti, how cholera was introduced to Haiti, and preventative measures against cholera. With varying levels of confidence, the origins of the epidemic were conceptualised as directly resulting from the actions of the United Nations and Nepalese peacekeepers, exhibiting a distrust of foreign intervention in Haiti and frustration with inadequate water and sanitation infrastructure that facilitated widespread transmission of cholera. This study reinforces the need for additional transparent communication from the UN to address ongoing misconceptions surrounding the cholera outbreak, action to clean water and sanitation practices in Haiti, and for the voices of Haitian citizens to be heard and included in reforming foreign aid delivery in the country.

Features of Armed Conflict Resolution in Asia and Africa from the Late 2010s through the Early 2020s.

Against the backdrop of the development of the modern cold wars, the problem of resolving regional armed conflicts remains highly topical. The authors of this article aim to identify patterns in the development of outbreaks of organized violence and counteracting them in modern conditions using the example of the situation in northern Africa and the Middle East. Methodologically, this publication is an attempt to update a number of theoretical provisions of conflictology with account for newly emerging realities. Particular attention is paid to the trend of nationalizing conflict resolution, that is, its management by the authorities and security forces of the country of origin of the conflict. This process, with the identification of common and distinctive patterns, is analyzed by the example of the situation in Syria, Iraq, Libya, Mali, and Afghanistan. The question is raised about the practical relationship between the development of armed conflicts and confrontations with the participation of the Euro-Atlantic community and Russia and the United States, a group of its partner states, and China. Conclusions are formulated about possible ways to overcome outbreaks of organized violence, including with the participation of external forces, in the realities of the newly emerging world order.

Characteristics and artemisinin based treatment effect of 362 malaria cases in the peacekeeping mission area of the Democratic Republic of the Congo / 中华地方病学杂志

Objective:To analyze the epidemiological characteristics, diagnosis and treatment of malaria in the peacekeeping mission area of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), and to evaluate the efficacy of artemisinin based combination therapy (ACT), to provide clinical basis for the diagnosis and treatment of malaria.Methods:The clinical data of malaria-infected peacekeepers admitted to the Chinese Secondary Hospital of the United Nations Stabilization Mission in DRC (MONUSCO) from January 2014 to September 2020 were collected, and the general information, incidence characteristics, treatment and clinical outcomes of the patients were retrospectively analyzed.Results:From January 2014 to September 2020, 362 peacekeepers were hospitalized with malaria, the average annual incidence case was 54 cases per year, and the annual incidence was 9.5/1 000, with a median of 2.5 days (1 - 9 days) from onset to diagnosis. Severe malaria accounted for 7.73% (28/362) and uncomplicated malaria accounted for 92.27% (334/362). The incidence rate was 37.57% (136/362) in the dry season (April to September) and 62.43% (226/362) in the rainy season (October to March of the following year). After ACT antimalarial treatment, all patients were cured clinically. Eight cases recurred and were cured clinically after drug conversion ACT retreatment.Conclusions:In the peacekeeping mission area of DRC, peacekeepers are generally susceptible to malaria. ACT has a high cure rate, safety and efficiency in clinical treatment.

La opinión pública colombiana sobre el acuerdo de paz 2016-2020: punitivismo, desconfianza y ostracismo / Colombian public opinion on the 2016-2020 peace agreement: punitivism, distrust and ostracism / Opinião pública colombiana sobre o acordo de paz de 2016-2020: punitivismo, desconfiança e ostracismo

Después de varias décadas de conflicto armado en Colombia, el Gobierno colombiano y las Farc-EP firmaron, en 2016, el Acuerdo Final para la terminación del conflicto y la construcción de una paz estable y duradera. No obstante, este acuerdo no fue refrendado por la ciudadanía, en un plebiscito celebrado ese mismo año. En 2018, ganó las elecciones presidenciales un candidato que prometió cambiar las condiciones del Acuerdos Final y modificar uno de sus principales instrumentos: la Jurisdicción Especial para la Paz (JEP). En ese contexto esta investigación se pregunta: ¿cuál es la opinión de los colombianos sobre el Acuerdo Final y la JEP? La investigación indaga en las opiniones de los colombianos a través de un análisis estadístico comparativo de tres encuestas de opinión de 2016, 2018 y 2020. Los resultados detallan los cambios actitudinales ocurridos en esos años, como la disminución del rechazo frontal a los Acuerdos de Paz y el leve incremento de las posibilidades de reintegración de los excombatientes a la vida civil. También, expone algunas reticencias al cambio, como la desconfianza persistente, la reafirmación del rechazo al indulto de los excombatientes (punitivismo) y a su participación política (ostracismo).

After several decades of armed conflict in Colombia, the Colombian Government and the Farc-EP signed, in 2016, the Final Agreement for the termination of the conflict and the construction of a stable and lasting peace. However, this agreement was not endorsed by the citizenry, in a plebiscite held that same year. In 2018, the presidential elections were won by a candidate who promised to change the conditions of the Final Agreement and to modify one of its main instruments: the Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP). In this context, this research asks: what is the opinion of Colombians on the Final Agreement and the SJP? The research inquiries into the opinions of Colombians through a comparative statistical analysis of three opinion polls from 2016, 2018 and 2020. The results detail the attitudinal changes that occurred in those years, such as the decrease in the frontal rejection of the Peace Accords and the slight increase in the possibilities of reintegration of ex-combatants to civilian life. It also exposes some reluctance to change, such as persistent distrust, the reaffirmation of the rejection of pardoning ex-combatants (punitivism) and their political participation (ostracism).

Após várias décadas de conflito armado na Colômbia, o governo colombiano e as FARC-EP assinaram, em 2016, o Acordo Final para o fim do conflito e a construção de uma paz estável e duradoura. Entretanto, este acordo não foi endossado pelos cidadãos em um plebiscito realizado no mesmo ano. Em 2018, as eleições presidenciais foram ganhas por um candidato que prometeu mudar as condições do Acordo Final e modificar um de seus principais instrumentos: a Jurisdição Especial para a Paz (JEP). Neste contexto, esta pesquisa pergunta: qual é a opinião dos colombianos sobre o Acordo Final e o SJP? A pesquisa investiga as opiniões dos colombianos através de uma análise estatística comparativa de três pesquisas de opinião de 2016, 2018 e 2020. Os resultados detalham as mudanças de atitude que ocorreram nesses anos, tais como a diminuição da rejeição direta dos Acordos de Paz e o leve aumento das possibilidades de reintegração de ex-combatentes na vida civil. Também expõe alguma relutância em mudar, como a desconfiança persistente, a reafirmação da rejeição do perdão de ex-combatentes (punitivismo) e de sua participação política (ostracismo).

Dinámicas y tensiones entre los fines retributivos y los fines restaurativos de la pena en el modelo de justicia transicional colombiano. Un análisis desde el Acuerdo Final de paz de 2016 / Dynamics and tensions between the retributive and restorative purposes of punishment in the Colombian transitional justice model. An analysis from the 2016 Final Peace Agreement / Dinâmica e tensões entre os propósitos retributivos e restaurativos de punição no modelo de justiça transicional colombiano. Uma análise do Acordo Final de Paz de 2016

El 24 de noviembre del 2016 se firmó en Bogotá el Acuerdo final para la terminación del conflicto y la construcción de una paz estable y duradera, por el gobierno colombiano y la guerrilla de las Farc-EP. Este acuerdo creó la Jurisdicción Especial para la Paz (JEP) como parte central de un sistema de justicia transicional que privilegia la restauración frente a la retribución tradicional. Asimismo, estableció las sanciones que pueden ser impuestas a los responsables de delitos cometidos en el marco del conflicto armado colombiano y que no implican necesariamente la cárcel, lo que ha dado lugar a un abierto debate social y político. Aquí se analiza la concepción tradicional y los fines de la pena en el Derecho Penal para establecer sus diferencias con las sanciones y fines de la justicia transicional colombiana. Se concluye que este modelo trasciende los límites del Derecho Penal retributivo y ha sido desarrollado por una legislación que respeta la Constitución y los estándares del Derecho Internacional y de los derechos humanos, al tiempo que contribuye al logro de una paz con justicia en Colombia.

On November 24, 2016, the Final Agreement for the Termination of the Conflict and the Construction of a Stable and Lasting Peace, was signed in Bogota by the Colombian government and the Farc-EP (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia-Ejército del Pueblo) guerrillas. This Final Agreement created a SPJ or Special Peace Jurisdiction (J.E.P.), and a transitional justice system that privileges restoration over traditional retribution. It also established the sanctions that can be imposed on those responsible for crimes committed in the context of the Colombian armed conflict, and which do not necessarily involve prison, which has given rise to an open social and political debate. This paper analyses the traditional conception and the purposes of punishment in criminal law to establish its differences with the sanctions and purposes of Colombian transitional justice. It is concluded that this model transcends the limits of retributive criminal law and has been developed by legislation that respects the Constitution and the standards of international law and human rights, while contributing to the achievement of peace with justice in Colombia.

Em 24 de novembro de 2016, o Acordo Final para o Término do Conflito e a Construção de uma Paz Estável e Duradoura foi assinado em Bogotá pelo governo colombiano e pelos guerrilheiros das FARC-EP. Este acordo criou a Jurisdição Especial para a Paz (JEP) como parte central de um sistema de justiça de transição que privilegia a restauração em detrimento da retribuição tradicional. Também estabeleceu as sanções que podem ser impostas aos responsáveis por crimes cometidos no contexto do conflito armado colombiano e que não necessariamente envolvem a prisão, o que deu origem a um debate social e político aberto. Aqui analisamos a concepção tradicional e os objetivos da punição no direito penal a fim de estabelecer como ela difere das sanções e dos objetivos da justiça transicional colombiana. Conclui-se que este modelo transcende os limites do direito penal retributivo e foi desenvolvido por uma legislação que respeita a Constituição e as normas do direito internacional e dos direitos humanos, ao mesmo tempo em que contribui para a conquista da paz com justiça na Colômbia.

"It was with my consent since he was providing me with money": a mixed methods study of adolescent perspectives on peacekeeper-perpetrated sexual exploitation and abuse in the Democratic Republic of Congo.

BACKGROUND: The United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (MONUSCO) has been marred by widespread allegations of sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) of women and girls by UN peacekeepers. There is minimal research conducted on the perceptions of communities most affected by the SEA themselves, and even less about those below the age of 18. METHODS: Using mixed-methods data, we examined the perceptions of adolescents aged 13-17 on how the lives of women and girls have been affected by the presence of UN peacekeepers within the DRC. SenseMaker, a mixed-methods narrative capture tool, was used to survey participants around six United Nations bases across eastern DRC. Each participant shared a story about the experiences of Congolese women and girls in relation to MONUSCO personnel and interpreted their own stories by answering a series of questions. Patterns of adolescent perspectives (aged 13-17) were analyzed in comparison to all other age groups and emerging qualitative themes were mapped onto quantitative variables. RESULTS: Quantitative data showed that adolescents were more likely, in comparison to all other age groups, to perceive interactions between peacekeepers and women/girls as being initiated by the woman/girl, that the MONUSCO personnel was perceived to be able to offer protection, and that the interactions between local women/girls and peacekeepers were sexual in nature. Three qualitative themes emerged: poverty bringing peacekeepers and women/girls together, material/financial gain through transactional sex and sex work, and support-seeking actions of affected women/girls. CONCLUSIONS: Our mixed methods data illustrate the problematic finding that adolescents facing poverty may perceive SEA as protective through the monetary and material support gained. These findings contribute to the growing body of literature on peacekeeping economies and have implications for the prevention of, and response to, peacekeeper-perpetrated SEA.

"When It's a Girl, They Have a Chance to Have Sex With Them. When It's a Boy They Have Been Known to Rape Them": Perceptions of United Nations Peacekeeper-Perpetrated Sexual Exploitation and Abuse Against Women/Girls Versus Men/Boys in Haiti.

Peacekeeping missions have been marred by reports of sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) against local community members. However, there is limited research on how SEA against women/girls versus men/boys is perceived in peacekeeping host societies. In 2017 we collected micro-narratives in Haiti and then conducted a thematic analysis to understand how peacekeeper-perpetrated SEA was perceived by local community members comparing SEA against women/girls versus SEA against men/boys. Both male and female participants used language which suggested the normalization, in Haitian society, of both transactional sex with and rape of women/girls by UN personnel. In contrast, peacekeeper-perpetrated SEA against men/boys was viewed as unacceptable and was associated with homosexuality and related stigmatization. Overall, our results suggest that in Haiti, inequitable gender norms, the commodification of female sexuality, and homophobia result in SEA against males being recognized as a wrong that elicits outrage, while SEA against women/girls has been normalized. It is important to address the normalization of SEA against women/girls to prevent future violence and to recognize that SEA is also perpetrated against men/boys. Survivor-centered programs, sensitive to the needs of both male and female survivors, are required.

Positive Psychology in Context of Peacekeeping Militaries: A Mediation Model of Work-Family Enrichment.

Based on the work-family enrichment theory, this study analyzes the contribution of work-family and family-work enrichment to explain the military's well-being during a peacekeeping mission. The data used were collected in a sample of 306 Brazilian soldiers, who were married and/or had children, during the phase named "employment of troops" (i.e., when peacekeepers had been in the Haitian territory and, as a result, away from their families, for between three to five months). Data analysis was performed using the Structural Equations Model. It was observed that the military's perception of their spouses' support for their participation during the mission had a positive relationship with both family-to-work enrichment and work-to-family enrichment, and the work-to-family enrichment mediated the relationship between the perception of the spouses' support and the military's health perception and general satisfaction with life. Theoretical and practical implications were discussed and limitations and suggestions for future research were presented.

'Even peacekeepers expect something in return': A qualitative analysis of sexual interactions between UN peacekeepers and female Haitians.

The UN maintains a zero-tolerance policy on sexual interactions between peacekeepers and beneficiaries of assistance. Our research describes the lived experience of engaging sexually with UN peacekeepers during Mission des Nations Unies pour la Stabilisation en Haiti (MINUSTAH) from the perspectives of Haitian women/girls. Eighteen semi-structured interviews were conducted with Haitian women raising children fathered by MINUSTAH peacekeepers. Transcripts were analyzed according to empirical phenomenology.Adverse socio-economic conditions were key contextual factors. Three themes related to the nature of the sexual interactions emerged: sexual violence, transactional sex, and long-term transactional relationships imbedded in perceptions of love. Most sexual interactions were transactional and nuanced since the peacekeeper assumed the role of romantic and material provider. Sexual consent was conceptualised as the ability to weigh the benefits and consequences of engaging sexually with peacekeepers. Sexual violence was identified among minors and in instances of sexual abuse.This study provides empirical evidence to support a nuanced understanding of sexual relationships between women/girls and peacekeepers. In addition to holding peacekeepers accountable, a harm-reduction approach that aims to raise awareness for peacekeeping codes of conduct and provide comprehensive reproductive and sexual education should be considered.

Strategy and effects of the areo-medical evacuation team in Mali to prevent and control COVID-19 pneumonia epidemic / 上海预防医学

This article summarizes the strategy and effects of preventing and controlling the epidemic in the evacuation support of the aero medical evacuation team of the 7th peacekeeping medical contingent of China to Mali， to actively respond to the coronavirus disease-19 （COVID-19 ）epidemic based on existing medical conditions and further provide scientific evidence for guaranteeing military medical service in public health emergencies.

"If I was with my father such discrimination wouldn't exist, I could be happy like other people": a qualitative analysis of stigma among peacekeeper fathered children in the Democratic Republic of Congo.

BACKGROUND: The United Nations (UN) Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (MONUSCO) comprises the largest and longest serving peacekeeping operation to date. Since the launch of the mission in 1999, sexual relations between UN peacekeepers and the local population regularly occur; some resulting in children being conceived. Reports have indicated that women and girls bearing children from such relations face difficult socio-economic realities. The present study is the first to explore the situation of peacekeeper fathered children (PKFC) through a qualitative analysis that includes interview material from mothers and child participants. METHODS: The article uses theories from stigma research to illustrate how children conceived through sexual relations with UN peacekeepers integrate into social networks. We conducted a case study of mothers and their PKFC at different sites of UN peacekeeping (UNPK) in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Based on 95 in-depth interviews held in 2018, a thematic qualitative analysis examined experiences of stigma and discrimination. In order to understand the challenges of mothers and children from a transgenerational perspective, we evaluated perceptions of rejection rooted in the mother-child relationship. RESULTS: Of the mothers and children surveyed, a large majority struggled with stigmatizing behaviour by family and/or community members. PKFC perceived their discrimination to be based upon their mixed ethnicity, fatherlessness, illegitimacy at birth, as well as a lack of resources and opportunity. Mothers most often attributed their stigma to economic deprivation, extra-marital sexual relations, single parenting and being associated with UNPK. Parallels in the experiences of mothers and children suggest a bi-directional transmission of status loss and stigma between generations. CONCLUSIONS: This is the first empirical study to compare the situation of PKFC and their mothers in any country of UNPK deployment. The findings highlight multiple burdens that affect their daily lives and illustrate an interplay between drivers of stigmatization for mothers and children. The overarching needs identified are financial, and these call for action regarding policies and programmes that provide resources to those concerned. The results further demonstrate the need for psychosocial support that considers transgenerational dynamics and both mothers and children as core addressees of assistance.

Four years of orthopaedic activities in Chinese Role 2 Hospital of eastern Mali peacekeeping area.

INTRODUCTION: The Chinese Role 2 Hospital (CHN-Role 2H) Medical Treatment Facility (MTF) was founded in July 2013 as part of the Chinese commitment to Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA). It provides medical care for approximately 5200 personnel of the whole Sector East of MINUSMA including UN military personnel, UN police and UN civilian staff. The aim of this study was to determine the orthopaedic surgical activity over a 4-year period to facilitate the training of future Chinese military surgical teams. MATERIALS AND METHODS: Surgical records of all patients operated on at the CHN-Role 2H between 28 March 2014 to 28 March 2018 were identified, and all orthopaedic activity were analysed. RESULTS: During this period, 1190 patients underwent 2024 surgical procedures. Orthopaedic procedures represented 961/2024 (47.5%) of all the procedures. Battle injury (BI) represented 43% of patients. Improvised explosive devices (IEDs) were responsible for 15.8 % casualties. Fractures (49%) and soft tissue injures (43%) were the most common injuries, with 61% of the fractures being open. Damage control surgery including debridement (23.52%) and external fixation (17.90%) were the most frequently performed interventions. CONCLUSION: Orthopaedic surgery is the most frequently performed surgery in the CHN-Role 2H in Mali. The complexity and severity of injuries demonstrate the urgent need for tailored training and extended skill sets for deploying military orthopaedic surgeons.

La Resolución 1325: Mujeres, Paz y Seguridad en las Operaciones de Mantenimiento de la Paz / The Resolution 1325: Women, Peace, and Security in the Peacekeeping Operations / Resolução 1325: mulheres, paz e segurança nas Operações de Manutenção da Paz

Resumen Este artículo analiza la incorporación de la Resolución 1325 del Consejo de Seguridad de Naciones Unidas y sus Resoluciones Complementarias -las que conforman la Agenda Mujeres, Paz y Seguridad- en las Resoluciones que crearon las Operaciones de Mantenimiento de la Paz desde el año 2000 en adelante, que justamente son creadas por el mismo Organismo. Teóricamente, se proponen tres estadios de análisis: la mujer como sujeto de protección, la mujer como sujeto de pacificación y la promoción de la perspectiva de género, basándose en el contenido de la Agenda Mujeres, Paz y Seguridad. Tales estadios se aplican en las Resoluciones seleccionadas por medio de un análisis de texto. Las conclusiones evidencian falencias en la incorporación de la Resolución 1325 y sus Resoluciones Complementarias, instrumentos promovidos desde el propio Consejo de Seguridad de Naciones Unidas, junto con mostrar la existencia de una variabilidad en la forma como se incorporaron estos estadios de análisis en la selección de casos.

Abstract This article analyzes the incorporation of Resolution 1325 of the United Nations Security Council and it's Complementary Resolutions -that compose the Women, Peace, and Security Agenda- in the Resolutions that have created the Peacekeeping Operations from the year 2000 onwards, which are just created by the same Organization. Theoretically three concepts of analysis are proposed: the woman as subject of protection, the woman as subject of pacification, and the promotion of the gender perspective, based on the content of the Women, Peace, and Security Agenda. Such concepts are applied in the Resolutions selected by means of a text analysis. The conclusions show weaknesses in the incorporation of Resolution 1325 and it's Complementary Resolutions, instruments promoted by the United Nations Security Council itself, together with the existence of variability in the way in which these stages of analysis were incorporated into the selection of cases.

Resumo Este artigo analisa a incorporação da Resolução 1325 do Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas e suas Resoluções Complementares - as que compõem a Agenda de Mulheres, Paz e Segurança- nas Resoluções que criaram as Operações da Manutenção da Paz a partir do ano 2000, que são criados apenas pela mesma agência. Teoricamente, três etapas de análise são propostas: a mulher como sujeito de proteção, a mulher como sujeito de pacificação e a promoção da perspectiva de gênero, com base no conteúdo da Agenda da Mulher de Paz e Segurança. Tais estágios são aplicados nas Resoluções selecionadas por meio de uma análise de texto. As conclusões mostram fragilidade na incorporação da Resolução 1325 e suas Resoluções Complementares, nos instrumentos promovidos pelo próprio Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas, além de mostrar a existência de uma variabilidade na forma como essas etapas de analise foram Incorporadas Na Seleção De Casos.