Factors associated with unsafe abortion practices in Nepal: Pooled analysis of the 2011 and 2016 Nepal Demographic and Health Surveys.

BACKGROUND: Unsafe abortion contributes to maternal morbidities, mortalities as well as social and financial costs to women, families, and the health system. This study aimed to examine the factors associated with unsafe abortion practices in Nepal. METHODS: Data were derived from the 2011 and 2016 Nepal Demographic and Health Surveys (NDHS). A total of 911 women aged 15-49 years who aborted five years prior to surveys were included in the analysis. The multivariate logistic regression analysis was employed to determine factors associated with unsafe abortion. RESULTS: Unsafe abortion rate was seven per 1000 women aged 15-49 years. This research found that women living in the Mountains (adjusted Odds Ratio (aOR) 2.36; 95% CI 1.21, 4.60), or those who were urban residents (aOR 2.11; 95% CI 1.37, 3.24) were more likely to have unsafe abortion. The odds of unsafe abortion were higher amongst women of poor households (aOR 2.16; 95% CI 1.18, 3.94); Dalit women (aOR 1.89; 95% CI 1.02, 3.52), husband with no education background (aOR 2.12; 95%CI 1.06, 4.22), or women who reported agriculture occupation (aOR 1.82; 95% CI 1.16, 2.86) compared to their reference's group. Regardless of knowledge on legal conditions of abortion, the probability of having unsafe abortion was significantly higher (aOR 5.13; 95% CI 2.64, 9.98) amongst women who did not know the location of safe abortion sites. Finally, women who wanted to delay or space childbirth (aOR 2.71; 95% CI 1.39, 5.28) or those who reported unwanted birth (aOR = 2.33; 95% CI 1.19, 4.56) were at higher risk of unsafe abortion. CONCLUSION: Going forward, increasing the availability of safe abortion facilities and strengthening family planning services can help reduce unsafe abortion in Nepal. These programmatic efforts should be targeted to women of poor households, disadvantaged ethnicities, and those who reside in mountainous region.

Safe and unsafe abortions: Total monetary costs and health care system costs in Argentina in 2018. / Abortos seguros e inseguros: Costos monetarios totales y costos para el sistema de salud de la Argentina en 2018.

During the first semester of 2018, a profound debate on the legalization of the practice of abortion was initiated in Argentina, which exposed the lack of scientific studies addressing the economic dimension of abortion in this country. This work seeks to move forward in the quantification of the costs of abortion under two scenarios: the current context of illegality and the potential costs if the recommended international protocols were applied in a context of legalization of the practice. The results of the comparison between, on the one hand, the total monetary costs in 2018 (private or out-of-pocket expenditure and costs for the health care system) of the current scenario of illegality and unsafe practice of abortion and, on the other hand, potential scenarios of safe practices, shows that a large amount of resources could be saved if the recommended protocols were implemented. These results proved to be robust after carrying out a series of sensitivity exercises on the main assumptions included in the comparisons.

Durante el primer semestre de 2018, en Argentina se inició un profundo debate sobre la legalización de la práctica del aborto, que puso en evidencia la falta de estudios científicos que aborden la dimensión económica del tema en la Argentina. Este trabajo busca avanzar en la cuantificación de los costos del aborto bajo dos escenarios: el del actual contexto de ilegalidad y los costos potenciales si se aplicaran los protocolos internacionales recomendados, en un contexto de legalización de la práctica. Los resultados de la comparación de los costos monetarios totales en 2018 (privados o de bolsillo y para el sistema de salud) del escenario actual de ilegalidad y práctica insegura del aborto, frente a escenarios potenciales de prácticas seguras, muestran que se podría ahorrar una gran cantidad de recursos si se implementaran los protocolos recomendados. Dichos resultandos, además, se muestran robustos al realizar una serie de ejercicios de sensibilidad sobre los principales supuestos incluidos en las comparaciones.

Abortos seguros e inseguros: Costos monetarios totales y costos para el sistema de salud de la Argentina en 2018 / Safe and unsafe abortions: Total monetary costs and health care system costs in Argentina in 2018

RESUMEN Durante el primer semestre de 2018, en Argentina se inició un profundo debate sobre la legalización de la práctica del aborto, que puso en evidencia la falta de estudios científicos que aborden la dimensión económica del tema en la Argentina. Este trabajo busca avanzar en la cuantificación de los costos del aborto bajo dos escenarios: el del actual contexto de ilegalidad y los costos potenciales si se aplicaran los protocolos internacionales recomendados, en un contexto de legalización de la práctica. Los resultados de la comparación de los costos monetarios totales en 2018 (privados o de bolsillo y para el sistema de salud) del escenario actual de ilegalidad y práctica insegura del aborto, frente a escenarios potenciales de prácticas seguras, muestran que se podría ahorrar una gran cantidad de recursos si se implementaran los protocolos recomendados. Dichos resultandos, además, se muestran robustos al realizar una serie de ejercicios de sensibilidad sobre los principales supuestos incluidos en las comparaciones.

ABSTRACT During the first semester of 2018, a profound debate on the legalization of the practice of abortion was initiated in Argentina, which exposed the lack of scientific studies addressing the economic dimension of abortion in this country. This work seeks to move forward in the quantification of the costs of abortion under two scenarios: the current context of illegality and the potential costs if the recommended international protocols were applied in a context of legalization of the practice. The results of the comparison between, on the one hand, the total monetary costs in 2018 (private or out-of-pocket expenditure and costs for the health care system) of the current scenario of illegality and unsafe practice of abortion and, on the other hand, potential scenarios of safe practices, shows that a large amount of resources could be saved if the recommended protocols were implemented. These results proved to be robust after carrying out a series of sensitivity exercises on the main assumptions included in the comparisons.

Comparing women's financial costs of induced abortion at a facility vs. seeking treatment for complications from unsafe abortion in Zambia.

Although abortion is legal in Zambia under a variety of broad conditions, unsafe abortion remains common. The purpose of this project was to compare the financial costs for women when they have an induced abortion at a facility, with costs for an induced abortion outside a facility, followed by care for abortion-related complications. We gathered household wealth data at one point in time (T1) and longitudinal qualitative data at two points in time (T1 and T2, three-four months later), in Lusaka and Kafue districts, between 2014 and 2015. The data were collected from women (n = 38) obtaining a legal termination of pregnancy (TOP), or care for unsafe abortions (CUA). The women were recruited from four health facilities (two hospitals and two private clinics, one of each per district). At T2, CUA cost women, on average, 520 ZMW (USD 81), while TOP cost women, on average, 396 ZMW (USD 62). About two-thirds of the costs had been incurred by T1, while an additional one-third of the total costs was incurred between T1 and T2. Women in all three wealth tertiles sought a TOP in a health facility or an unsafe abortion outside a facility. Women who obtained CUA tended to be further removed from the money that was used to pay for their abortion care. Women's financial dependence leaves them unequipped to manage a financial shock such as an abortion. Improved TOP and post-abortion care are needed to reduce the health sequelae women experience after both types of abortion-related care.

Negotiating the social and medical dangers of abortion in Addis Ababa: An exploration of young, unmarried women's abortion-seeking journeys.

Unmarried, young women constitute a significant proportion of women who undergo unsafe abortion in Ethiopia. Based on material from an ethnographic study, the experiences of young, unmarried women who had been admitted to the hospital in the aftermath of an unsafe, clandestine abortion are explored in this article. The routes the young women followed in their search of abortion services and the concerns and realities they had to negotiate and navigate are at the fore. Despite their awareness of the dangers involved in clandestine and illegal abortion, the young women felt they had no choice but to use medically unsafe abortion services. Two reasons for this are highlighted: such services were affordable and, significantly, they were considered socially safe in that the abortion remained unknown to others and the stigma of abortion and its consequences could hence be avoided. In situations in which choices had to be made, social safety trumped medical safety. This indicates a need for abortion services that address both the medical and social safety concerns of young women in need of such services.

Cost of abortions in Zambia: A comparison of safe abortion and post abortion care.

Unsafe abortion is a significant but preventable cause of maternal mortality. Although induced abortion has been legal in Zambia since 1972, many women still face logistical, financial, social, and legal obstacles to access safe abortion services, and undergo unsafe abortion instead. This study provides the first estimates of costs of post abortion care (PAC) after an unsafe abortion and the cost of safe abortion in Zambia. In the absence of routinely collected data on abortions, we used multiple data sources: key informant interviews, medical records and hospital logbooks. We estimated the costs of providing safe abortion and PAC services at the University Teaching Hospital, Lusaka and then projected these costs to generate indicative cost estimates for Zambia. Due to unavailability of data on the actual number of safe abortions and PAC cases in Zambia, we used estimates from previous studies and from other similar countries, and checked the robustness of our estimates with sensitivity analyses. We found that PAC following an unsafe abortion can cost 2.5 times more than safe abortion care. The Zambian health system could save as much as US$0.4 million annually if those women currently treated for an unsafe abortion instead had a safe abortion.

The cost of post-abortion care in developing countries: a comparative analysis of four studies.

Over the last five years, comprehensive national surveys of the cost of post-abortion care (PAC) to national health systems have been undertaken in Ethiopia, Uganda, Rwanda and Colombia using a specially developed costing methodology-the Post-abortion Care Costing Methodology (PACCM). The objective of this study is to expand the research findings of these four studies, making use of their extensive datasets. These studies offer the most complete and consistent estimates of the cost of PAC to date, and comparing their findings not only provides generalizable implications for health policies and programs, but also allows an assessment of the PACCM methodology. We find that the labor cost component varies widely: in Ethiopia and Colombia doctors spend about 30-60% more time with PAC patients than do nurses; in Uganda and Rwanda an opposite pattern is found. Labor costs range from I$42.80 in Uganda to I$301.30 in Colombia. The cost of drugs and supplies does not vary greatly, ranging from I$79 in Colombia to I$115 in Rwanda. Capital and overhead costs are substantial amounting to 52-68% of total PAC costs. Total costs per PAC case vary from I$334 in Rwanda to I$972 in Colombia. The financial burden of PAC is considerable: the expense of treating each PAC case is equivalent to around 35% of annual per capita income in Uganda, 29% in Rwanda and 11% in Colombia. Providing modern methods of contraception to women with an unmet need would cost just a fraction of the average expenditure on PAC: one year of modern contraceptive services and supplies cost only 3-12% of the average cost of treating a PAC patient.

Maternal Near-Miss Due to Unsafe Abortion and Associated Short-Term Health and Socio-Economic Consequences in Nigeria.

Little is known about maternal near-miss (MNM) due to unsafe abortion in Nigeria. We used the WHO criteria to identify near-miss events and the proportion due to unsafe abortion among women of childbearing age in eight large secondary and tertiary hospitals across the six geo-political zones. We also explored the characteristics of women with these events, delays in seeking care and the short-term socioeconomic and health impacts on women and their families. Between July 2011 and January 2012, 137 MNM cases were identified of which 13 or 9.5% were due to unsafe abortions. Severe bleeding, pain and fever were the most common immediate abortion complications. On average, treatment of MNM due to abortion costs six times more than induced abortion procedures. Unsafe abortion and delays in care seeking are important contributors to MNM. Programs to prevent unsafe abortion and delays in seeking postabortion care are urgently needed to reduce abortion related MNM in Nigeria.

'High profile health facilities can add to your trouble': Women, stigma and un/safe abortion in Kenya.

Public health discourses on safe abortion assume the term to be unambiguous. However, qualitative evidence elicited from Kenyan women treated for complications of unsafe abortion contrasted sharply with public health views of abortion safety. For these women, safe abortion implied pregnancy termination procedures and services that concealed their abortions, shielded them from the law, were cheap and identified through dependable social networks. Participants contested the notion that poor quality abortion procedures and providers are inherently dangerous, asserting them as key to women's preservation of a good self, management of stigma, and protection of their reputation, respect, social relationships, and livelihoods. Greater public health attention to the social dimensions of abortion safety is urgent.

The health system cost of post-abortion care in Rwanda.

Based on research conducted in 2012, we estimate the cost to the Rwandan health-care system of providing post-abortion care (PAC) due to unsafe abortions, a subject of policy importance not studied before at the national level. Thirty-nine public and private health facilities representing three levels of health care were randomly selected for data collection from key care providers and administrators for all five regions. Using an ingredients approach to costing, data were gathered on drugs, supplies, material, personnel time and hospitalization. Additionally, direct non-medical costs such as overhead and capital costs were also measured. We found that the average annual PAC cost per client, across five types of abortion complications, was $93. The total cost of PAC nationally was estimated to be $1.7 million per year, 49% of which was expended on direct non-medical costs. Satisfying all demands for PAC would raise the national cost to $2.5 million per year. PAC comprises a significant share of total expenditure in reproductive health in Rwanda. Investing more resources in provision of contraceptive services to prevent unwanted or mistimed pregnancies would likely reduce health systems costs.

Unsafe abortion: a cruel way of birth control.

BACKGROUND: Unsafe abortion refers to a procedure for terminating an unintended pregnancy performed either by persons lacking the necessary skills or in an environment that does not conform to minimal medical standards, or both. OBJECTIVES: The objectives of the study are to assess the factors attributing to practice of unsafe abortion and to suggest feasible and cost-effective measures to counter the same. METHODS: An extensive search of all materials related to the topic was made using library sources including Pubmed, Medline and World Health Organization. Keywords used in the search include unsafe abortion and unintended pregnancy. RESULTS: Multiple socio-demographic determinants and barriers such as illiterate women, poor socio-economic status, poor awareness about abortion services, associated stigma, and untrained health professionals have been identified resulting in restricted utilization/access of women to safe abortion services. Consequences of unsafe abortion have been alarming, seriously questioning the quality of health care delivery system. CONCLUSION: Concerted and dedicated efforts of government in collaboration with the private sector, community members and non-governmental organizations are needed to ensure that women have a better access to contraceptives, abortion services, and post-abortion care that are safe, affordable, and free from stigma.

Women's perceptions about abortion in their communities: perspectives from western Kenya.

Unsafe abortion in Kenya is a leading cause of maternal morbidity and mortality. In October 2012, we sought to understand the methods married women aged 24-49 and young, unmarried women aged ≤ 20 used to induce abortion, the providers they utilized and the social, economic and cultural norms that influenced women's access to safe abortion services in Bungoma and Trans Nzoia counties in western Kenya. We conducted five focus groups with young women and five with married women in rural and urban communities in each county. We trained local facilitators to conduct the focus groups in Swahili or English. All focus groups were audiotaped, transcribed, translated, computerized, and coded for analysis. Abortion outside public health facilities was mentioned frequently. Because of the need for secrecy to avoid condemnation, uncertainty about the law, and perceived higher cost of safer abortion methods, women sought unsafe abortions from community midwives, drug sellers and/or untrained providers at lower cost. Many groups believed that abortion was safer at higher gestational ages, but that there was no such thing as a safe abortion method. Our aim was to inform the design of a community-based intervention on safe abortion for women. Barriers to seeking safe services such as high cost, perceived illegality, and fear of insults and abuse at public facilities among both age groups must be addressed.

The health system cost of post-abortion care in Uganda.

This article presents estimates based on the research conducted in 2010 of the cost to the Ugandan health system of providing post-abortion care (PAC), filling a gap in knowledge of the cost of unsafe abortion. Thirty-nine public and private health facilities were sampled representing three levels of health care, and data were collected on drugs, supplies, material, personnel time and out-of-pocket expenses. In addition, direct non-medical costs in the form of overhead and capital costs were also measured. Our results show that the average annual PAC cost per client, across five types of abortion complications, was $131. The total cost of PAC nationally, including direct non-medical costs, was estimated to be $13.9 million per year. Satisfying all demand for PAC would raise the national cost to $20.8 million per year. This shows that PAC consumes a substantial portion of the total expenditure in reproductive health in Uganda. Investing more resources in family planning programmes to prevent unwanted and mistimed pregnancies would help reduce health systems costs.

The cost of postabortion care and legal abortion in Colombia.

CONTEXT: Although Colombia partially liberalized its abortion law in 2006, many abortions continue to occur outside the law and result in complications. Assessing the costs to the health care system of safe, legal abortions and of treating complications of unsafe, illegal abortions has important policy implications. METHODS: The Post-Abortion Care Costing Methodology was used to produce estimates of direct and indirect costs of postabortion care and direct costs of legal abortions in Colombia. Data on estimated costs were obtained through structured interviews with key informants at a randomly selected sample of facilities that provide abortion-related care, including 25 public and private secondary and tertiary facilities and five primary-level private facilities that provide specialized reproductive health services. RESULTS: The median direct cost of treating a woman with abortion complications ranged from $44 to $141 (in U.S. dollars), representing an annual direct cost to the health system of about $14 million per year. A legal abortion at a secondary or tertiary facility was costly (medians, $213 and $189, respectively), in part because of the use of dilation and curettage, as well as because of administrative barriers. At specialized facilities, where manual vacuum aspiration and medication abortion are used, the median cost of provision was much lower ($45). CONCLUSIONS: Provision of postabortion care and legal abortion services at higher-level facilities results in unnecessarily high health care costs. These costs can be reduced significantly by providing services in a timely fashion at primary-level facilities and by using safe, noninvasive and less costly abortion methods.

Documenting the individual- and household-level cost of unsafe abortion in Uganda.

CONTEXT: Although Uganda has a restrictive abortion law, illegal abortions performed under dangerous conditions are common. Data are lacking, however, on the economic impact of postabortion complications on women and their households. METHODS: Data from a 2011-2012 survey of 1,338 women who received postabortion care at 27 Ugandan health facilities were used to assess the economic consequences of unsafe abortion and subsequent treatment. Information was obtained on treatment costs and on the impact of abortion complications on children in the household, on the productivity of the respondent and other household members, and on changes in their economic circumstances. RESULTS: Most women reported that their unsafe abortion had had one or more adverse effects, including loss of productivity (73%), negative consequences for their children (60%) and deterioration in economic circumstances (34%). Women who had spent one or more nights in a facility receiving postabortion care were more likely than those who had not needed an overnight stay to experience these three consequences (odds ratios, 1.6-2.8), and women who had incurred higher postabortion care expenses were more likely than those with lower expenses to report deterioration in economic circumstances (1.6). Wealthier women were less likely than the poorest women to report that their children had suffered negative consequences (0.4-0.5). CONCLUSIONS: The impact of complications of unsafe abortion and the expense of treating them are substantial for Ugandan women and their households. Strategies to reduce the number of unsafe procedures, such as by expanding access to contraceptives to prevent unintended pregnancies, are urgently needed.

Abortion in Ghana.

Maternal mortality is the second most common cause of death among women in Ghana, and more than one in 10 maternal deaths (11%) are the result of unsafe induced abortions.1 In addition, a substantial proportion of women who survive an unsafe abortion experience complications from the procedure. This suffering is all the more tragic because it is unnecessary: Many women likely turn to unsafe providers or do not obtain adequate postabortion care when it is needed because they are unaware that abortion is legal on fairly broad grounds in Ghana.