The Migration of Lynch Victims' Families, 1880-1930.

We examine the relationship between the lynching of African Americans in the southern United States and subsequent county out-migration of the victims' surviving family members. Using U.S. census records and machine learning methods, we identify the place of residence for family members of Black individuals who were killed by lynch mobs between 1882 and 1929 in the U.S. South. Over the entire period, our analysis finds that lynch victims' family members experienced a 10-percentage-point increase in the probability of migrating to a different county by the next decennial census relative to their same-race neighbors. We also find that surviving family members had a 12-percentage-point increase in the probability of county out-migration compared with their neighbors when the household head was a lynch victim. The out-migration response of the families of lynch victims was most pronounced between 1910 and 1930, suggesting that lynch victims' family members may have been disproportionately represented in the first Great Migration.

Why Is It so Difficult to Investigate Violent Radicalization?

Imagine that you are a researcher interested in disentangling the underlying mechanisms that motivate certain individuals to self-sacrifice for a group or an ideology. Now, visualize that you are one of a few privileged that have the possibility of interviewing people who have been involved in some of the most dramatic terrorist attacks in history. What should you do? Most investigations focused on terrorism do not include empirical data and just a handful of fortunate have made face-to-face interviews with these individuals. Therefore, we might conclude that most experts in the field have not directly met the challenge of experiencing studying violent radicalization in person. As members of a research team who have talked with individuals under risk of radicalization, current, and former terrorists, our main goal with this manuscript is to synopsize a series of ten potential barriers that those interested in the subject might find when making fieldwork, and alternatives to solve them. If all the efforts made by investigators could save the life of a potential victim, prevent an individual from becoming radicalized, or make him/her decide to abandon the violence associated with terrorism, all our work will have been worthwhile. (AU)

Producing 'internal suspect bodies': divisive effects of UK counter-terrorism measures on Muslim communities in Leeds and Bradford.

Research on UK government counter-terrorism measures has claimed that Muslims are treated as a 'suspect community'. However, there is limited research exploring the divisive effects that membership of a 'suspect community' has on relations within Muslim communities. Drawing from interviews with British Muslims living in Leeds or Bradford, I address this gap by explicating how co-option of Muslim community members to counter extremism fractures relations within Muslim communities. I reveal how community members internalize fears of state targeting which precipitates internal disciplinary measures. I contribute the category of 'internal suspect body' which is materialized through two intersecting conditions within preventative counter-terrorism: the suspected extremist for Muslims to look out for and suspected informer who might report fellow Muslims. I argue that the suspect community operates through a network of relations by which terrors of counter-terrorism are reproduced within Muslim communities with divisive effects.

A Study of Selected Ethnic Affiliations in the Development of Post-traumatic Stress Disorder and Other Psychopathology After a Terrorist Bombing in Nairobi, Kenya.

OBJECTIVES: Despite the frequency of disasters in Africa, almost nothing is known about ethnic affiliations in relation to psychopathology after such incidents. This study examined the mental health outcomes of members of 7 major ethnic groups exposed to the 1998 terrorist bombing of the US Embassy in Nairobi, Kenya. METHODS: Approximately 8 to 10 months after the disaster, 229 civilian employees, 99 locally engaged staff workers of the US State Department and the US Agency for International Development, and 64 workers of the Kenyan Red Cross Society (total N=392) were assessed with the Diagnostic Interview Schedule for the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (Fourth Edition). Additional data were gathered on demographic characteristics, disaster exposures and injuries, and ethnic affiliations. RESULTS: Disaster-related post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) was significantly less prevalent among members of the Kikuyu group (28%) and post-disaster major depression was significantly more prevalent among members of the Meru group (64%), compared with all others in the sample. Preexisting psychopathology and disaster injury were independently associated with bombing-related psychopathology. CONCLUSIONS: Further study of disaster-related psychopathology in relation to African ethnic affiliations is needed to better understand these associations and to assist in planning resources and interventions for African disaster survivors. (Disaster Med Public Health Preparedness. 2018; 12: 360-365).

The Dilemma of Predicting Violent Radicalization.

Parents, educators, law enforcement officials, and health professionals are all concerned about the violent radicalization of adolescents. Health professionals may be called on to assess teenagers regarding the risk that they will become dangerous. We present a case in which a psychiatrist is asked to do a forensic evaluation of a young adolescent who said troubling things and had some concerning posts on his Facebook page. The evaluation reveals things about both the young boy and his community.

Pathways to sympathies for violent protest and terrorism.

BACKGROUND: Radicalisation is proposed to explain why some individuals begin to support and take part in violent extremism. However, there is little empirical population research to inform prevention, and insufficient attention to the role of psychiatric vulnerabilities. AIMS: To test the impact of depressive symptoms, adverse life events and political engagement on sympathies for violent protest and terrorism (SVPT). METHOD: A cross-sectional survey of a representative sample of Pakistani and Bangladeshi men and women from two English cities. Weighted, multivariable, logistic regression yielded population estimates of association (odds ratio (OR) and 95% confidence intervals) against a binary outcome of SVPT derived from a three-group solution following cluster analysis. RESULTS: Depressive symptoms were associated with a higher risk of SVPT (OR = 2.59, 95% CI 1.59-4.23, P<0.001), but mediated little of the overall effects of life events and political engagement, which were associated with a lower risk of SVPT (death of a close friend: OR = 0.24, 95% CI 0.07-0.74; donating money to a charity: OR = 0.52, 95% CI 0.3-0.9). CONCLUSIONS: Independent of SVPT associations with depressive symptoms, some expressions of social connectedness (measured as life events and political engagement) are associated with a lower risk of SVPT.

[Religious conversion, psychological construction and holy violence]. / Conversion religieuse, construction psychique et violence sacrée.

The adolescent process is the theatre for the confrontation of oneself with the formation of identity, the learning of limits and psychological compromises as attempts at psychological regulation. Religious radicalisation appears on stage, offering ways of responding to anxieties fuelled by the global socio-political context. Adolescent vulnerability is studied through the prism of all these different conflicting tensions.

[Terrorist acting out, narcissism and psychopathology of identifications]. / Passage à l'acte terroriste, narcissisme et psychopathologie des identifications.

The impact of wounds and narcissistic conflicts can favour a murderous acting out. From a psychoanalytical point of view, narcissistic positions tinged with cynicism and envy in particular are identified, on a background of a pathology of ideals and the melancholisation of the social link. This article looks back at the attack in Paris in January 2015 through statements taken from social discourse.

Might depression, psychosocial adversity, and limited social assets explain vulnerability to and resistance against violent radicalisation?

BACKGROUND: This study tests whether depression, psychosocial adversity, and limited social assets offer protection or suggest vulnerability to the process of radicalisation. METHODS: A population sample of 608 men and women of Pakistani or Bangladeshi origin, of Muslim heritage, and aged 18-45 were recruited by quota sampling. Radicalisation was measured by 16 questions asking about sympathies for violent protest and terrorism. Cluster analysis of the 16 items generated three groups: most sympathetic (or most vulnerable), most condemning (most resistant), and a large intermediary group that acted as a reference group. Associations were calculated with depression (PHQ9), anxiety (GAD7), poor health, and psychosocial adversity (adverse life events, perceived discrimination, unemployment). We also investigated protective factors such as the number social contacts, social capital (trust, satisfaction, feeling safe), political engagement and religiosity. RESULTS: Those showing the most sympathy for violent protest and terrorism were more likely to report depression (PHQ9 score of 5 or more; RR = 5.43, 1.35 to 21.84) and to report religion to be important (less often said religion was fairly rather than very important; RR = 0.08, 0.01 to 0.48). Resistance to radicalisation measured by condemnation of violent protest and terrorism was associated with larger number of social contacts (per contact: RR = 1.52, 1.26 to 1.83), less social capital (RR = 0.63, 0.50 to 0.80), unavailability for work due to housekeeping or disability (RR = 8.81, 1.06 to 37.46), and not being born in the UK (RR = 0.22, 0.08 to 0.65). CONCLUSIONS: Vulnerability to radicalisation is characterised by depression but resistance to radicalisation shows a different profile of health and psychosocial variables. The paradoxical role of social capital warrants further investigation.

"Second class loss": political culture as a recovery barrier--the families of terrorist casualties' struggle for national honors, recognition, and belonging.

Israeli families of terrorist victims have undertaken initiatives to include their dearest in the national pantheon. The objections opposed the penetration of "second-class loss" into the symbolic closure of heroic national bereavement. The "hierarchy of bereavement" is examined through the lens of political culture organized around the veneration held for the army fallen and their families, which has symbolic as well as rehabilitative outcomes. Families of civilian terror victims claims for similar status and treatment had to frame their loss as national in the eyes of the social policy. The article claimed linkage between collective memory and rehabilitation.

Elaboration on posttraumatic stress disorder diagnostic criteria: a factor analytic study of PTSD exposure to war or terror.

BACKGROUND: In societies facing prolonged exposure to war and terror, empirical research provides mixed support for the posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptom clusters groupings identified by the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (DSM-IV-TR) as re-experiencing the event, avoidance and emotional numbing, and hyperarousal. METHOD: This study examines the validity of the PTSD symptom clusters in elements of Israeli society exposed to man-made trauma. Survivors (N=2,198) of seven different war and terror-related traumas were assessed using a DSM-IV-TR based PTSD inventory. Four confirmatory factor analytic models were compared. RESULTS/CONCLUSIONS: The most acceptable model was a correlated model consisting of four factors of re-experiencing, avoidance, emotional numbing, and hyperarousal. DSM-IV-TR avoidance empirically split into active avoidance and emotional numbing. These results corroborate knowledge and suggest that in Israel, where stressors are ongoing, the PTSD symptom clusters may be reformulated in DSM-5 to consist of re-experiencing, active avoidance, emotional numbing and hyperarousal.

'Not men enough to rule!': politicization of ethnicities and forcible circumcision of Luo men during the postelection violence in Kenya.

BACKGROUND: As a contribution to ongoing research addressing sexual violence in war and conflict situations in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Kenya and Rwanda, this paper argues that the way sexual violence intersects with other markers of identity, including ethnicity and class, is not clearly articulated. Male circumcision has been popularized, as a public health strategy for prevention of HIV transmission, although evidence of its efficacy is disputable and insufficient attention has been given to the social and cultural implications of male circumcision. METHODS: This paper draws from media reporting and the material supporting the prosecutor at the International Criminal Court case against four Kenyans accused of crimes against humanity, to explore the postelection violence, especially forcible male circumcision. RESULTS: During the postelection violence in Kenya, women were, as in other conflict situations, raped. In addition, men largely from the Luo ethnic group were forcibly circumcised. Male circumcision among the Gikuyu people is a rite of passage, but when forced upon the Luo men, it was also associated with cases of castration and other forms of genital mutilation. The aim appears to have been to humiliate and terrorize not just the individual men, but their entire communities. The paper examines male circumcision and questions why a ritual that has marked a life-course transition for inculcating ethical analysis of the self and others, became a tool of violence against men from an ethnic group where male circumcision is not a cultural practice. CONCLUSION: The paper then reviews the persistence and change in the ritual and more specifically, how male circumcision has become, not just a sexual health risk, but, contrary to the emerging health discourse and more significantly, a politicized ethnic tool and a status symbol among the Gikuyu elite. In the view of the way male circumcision was perpetrated in Kenya, we argue it should be considered as sexual violence, with far-reaching consequences for men's physical and mental health.

The prevalence of extreme Middle Eastern ideologies around the world.

The Belief Diversity Scale (BDS) was administered to Australian, Canadian, Egyptian, and South African participants of different religious backgrounds. The BDS is a 33-item, six subscale instrument that is designed to quantitatively measure Middle Eastern extremist ideologies on risk areas that are reported in the literature. Results demonstrated the reliability and validity of the BDS, thus suggesting that the BDS could be used as an objective tool to measure Middle Eastern extremist ideologies. Results also supported the hypothesis of prevalence of Middle Eastern extremist ideologies around different parts of the world.

The right to fashion in the age of terrorism.

As part of a feminist commitment to collaboration, this article appears as a companion essay to Mimi Thi Nguyen's "The Biopower of Beauty: Humanitarian Imperialisms and Global Feminisms" and offers a point of departure for thinking about fashion and beauty as processes that produce subjects recruited to, and aligned with, the national interests of the United States in the war on terror. The Muslim woman in the veil and her imagined opposite in the fashionably modern - and implicitly Western - woman become convenient metaphors for articulating geopolitical contests of power as a human rights concern, as a rescue mission, as a beautifying mandate. This article examines newer iterations of this opposition, in the wake of September 11, 2001, in order to demonstrate the critical resonance of a biopolitics on fashion and beauty. In "The Right to Fashion in the Age of Terrorism," the author examines the relationship between the U.S. war on terror, targeting persons whose sartorial choices are described as terrorist-looking and oppressive, and the right-to-fashion discourse, which promotes fashion's mass-market diffusion as a civil liberty. Looking at these multiple invocations of the democratization of fashion, this article argues that the right-to-fashion discourse colludes with the war on terror by fabricating a neoliberal consumer-citizen who is also a couture-citizen and whose right to fashion reasserts U.S.exceptionalism, which is secured by private property, social mobility, and individualism.

The biopower of beauty: humanitarian imperialisms and global feminisms in an age of terror.

As part of a feminist commitment to collaboration, this article, which appears as a companion essay to Minh-Ha T. Pham's "The Right to Fashion in the Age of Terror," offers a point of departure for thinking about fashion and beauty as processes that produce subjects recruited to, and aligned with, the national interests of the United States in the war on terror. The Muslim woman in the veil and her imagined opposite, the fashionably modern and implicitly Western woman, become convenient metaphors for articulating geopolitical contests of power as human rights concerns, as rescue missions, as beautifying mandates. This essay examines newer iterations of this opposition, after September 11, 2001, in order to demonstrate the critical resonance of a biopolitics of fashion and beauty. After the events of September 11, 2001, George W. Bush's administration launched a military and public relations campaign to promote U.S. national interests using the language of feminism and human rights. While these discourses in the United States helped to reinvigorate a declining economy, and specifically a flagging fashion industry (as Pham addresses in her companion essay), feminism abroad was deployed to very different ends. This article considers the establishment of the Kabul Beauty School by the nongovernmental organization Beauty without Borders, sponsored in large part by the U.S. fashion and beauty industries. Examining troubling histories of beauty's relation to morality, humanity, and security, as well as to neoliberal discourses of self-governance, the author teases out the biopower and biopolitics of beauty, enacted here through programs of empowerment that are inseparable from the geopolitical aims of the U.S. deployment in Afghanistan.

Female suicide bombers and burdensomeness.

Brief case descriptions from journalists are presented to illustrate the role of traumatic experiences, the sense of being a burden to their families, and shame and humiliation in female suicide bombers.

From war on terror to war on weather? Rethinking humanitarianism in a new era of chronic emergencies.

This special issue of Third World Quarterly makes a case for redirecting attention and resources away from the 'war on terror' and focussing as a matter of urgency on the causes and consequences of global climate change. Global climate change must be recognised as an issue of national and international security. Increased competition for scarce resources and migration are key factors in the propagation of many of today's chronic complex humanitarian emergencies. The relentless growth of megacities in natural disaster hotspots places unprecedented numbers of vulnerable people at risk of disease and death. The Earth's fragile ecosystem has reached a critical tipping point. Today's most urgent need is for a collective endeavour on the part of the international community to redirect resources, enterprise and creativity away from the war on terror and to earnestly redeploy these in seeking solutions to the far greater and increasingly imminent threats that confront us as a consequence of global climate change.

Rethinking suicide bombing.

BACKGROUND: Current issues in the emerging psychiatric literature on suicide bombing tend to center around the pathologies of suicide bombers and the role of psychiatry as an adequate tool for analysis. AIMS: Attention to broader social science research may allow mental health professionals to develop more accurate models of behavior to explain and possibly prevent future attacks. METHODS: The psychiatric literature on suicide bombing was reviewed and compared to similar anthropological literature. RESULTS: A probe into the methodologies of researching suicide bombing, definitions of "war" and "terrorism", and beliefs on life, death, homicide, and suicide demonstrate that most of the psychiatric literature reflects a particular perspective which aspires towards a certain universalism. CONCLUSIONS: Anthropological approaches can disclose standpoints taken for granted since any interventions with respect to suicide bombing must eventually account for values which are ultimately culturally determined.