Semantic-to-autobiographical memory priming: the role of cue repetition.

It is now well established that general information processing causes the activation of memories in the autobiographical memory system, and these memories on occasion emerge as involuntary autobiographical memories. This priming phenomenon has been dubbed semantic-to-autobiographical memory priming, and our goal in the current study was to examine the effects of cue/prime repetition on the production of involuntary autobiographical memories that were primed with semantic stimuli. In three experiments, participants were primed with words (e.g., cat), and then they were given an involuntary memory task (the vigilance task), which contained cues related to the primed stimuli. In Experiment 1, the cues were phrases containing the primes (e.g., getting a cat), which were presented one or five times. In Experiment 2, the cues were also phrases containing the primes (e.g., getting a cat), but they changed their context (e.g., feeding a cat), every time they repeated in the five-presentation condition. Experiment 3 also presented the cues one or five times, but the cues were replicas of the primes (e.g., cat). Consistent with predictions, greater priming was found in the five-presentation cue conditions in all three experiments, and Experiment 3 failed to find priming in the one-presentation cue condition, also consistent with predictions. We explain the findings in terms of semantic-to-autobiographical memory priming theory, and also argue that the results help explain the production of involuntary memories in everyday life.

Semantic-to-autobiographical memory priming: the role of stimulus processing.

It is now well established that semantic processing can cause the activation of memories in the autobiographical memory system. Studies have shown that semantic processing of words, sounds, objects, or pictures primes autobiographical memories on voluntary and involuntary autobiographical memory tasks (the Crovitz cue-word task and the vigilance task). Known as semantic-to-autobiographical memory priming, our goal in the current study was to demonstrate that this form of priming occurs under different forms of processing (i.e., shallow versus deep), and that some forms of processing (e.g., visual mental imagery) may enhance priming in this domain. In Experiment 1, equivalent semantic-to-autobiographical priming was obtained on the vigilance task following shallow (e-counting) and deep (meaning judgements) word processing. In Experiment 2, word meaning judgements were compared to visual imagery of word meanings, and visual imagery led to more semantic-to-autobiographical priming on the vigilance task than meaning judgements. The results of these experiments support the idea that semantic-to-autobiographical priming occurs under a wide range of processing conditions, supporting a ubiquity claim, with some conditions producing more priming than others, and they further support the idea that this form of may play an important role in the production of involuntary memories in everyday life.

Semantic-to-autobiographical memory priming occurs when stimuli are presented below the threshold of awareness.

A number of studies have now shown that general information processing causes the activation of memories in the autobiographical memory system. These studies have shown that general processing of words, sounds, objects, or pictures primes autobiographical memories on voluntary and involuntary autobiographical memory tasks (the Crovitz cue-word task and the vigilance task). Deemed semantic-to-autobiographical memory priming, our goal in the current study was to demonstrate that this form of priming causes the unconscious activation of autobiographical memories (autobiographical automaticity) at the point of priming. Participants named words under subliminal and supraliminal conditions and then received a test of priming (the vigilance task). The results showed that words that were processed below the threshold of awareness were equally likely as words processed above the threshold of awareness to prime the production of involuntary autobiographical memories on the vigilance task. The results support the idea that autobiographical memory activations in semantic-to-autobiographical priming is both unintentional and unconscious.

Obtaining semantic-to-autobiographical memory priming on the vigilance task with non-verbal cues.

Recent research has shown that the activation of semantic memories leads to the activation of autobiographical memories. Known as semantic-to-autobiographical memory priming, this form of priming has been demonstrated to prime involuntary and voluntary autobiographical memories with a wide variety of different primes (i.e., various verbal and non-verbal stimuli). However, only verbal cues have been used in the memory measures, leaving open the question of how non-verbal cues might function. Our goal in the current study was to show that non-verbal cues are also involved in semantic-to-autobiographical memory priming. Participants were primed with words, and then they were treated to an involuntary autobiographical memory task (the vigilance task) where they received either word cues or pictorial cues. The results showed that both the word cues and the pictorial cues had captured primed involuntary memories on the vigilance task relative to controls. The results support the idea that semantic-to-autobiographical memory primes occur with both verbal and non-verbal cues, potentially indicating substantial cue diversity. The results also further support the idea that semantic-to-autobiographical memory priming may play an important role in the production of involuntary autobiographical memories in everyday life.

Priming in the autobiographical memory system: implications and future directions.

Studies examining priming in autobiographical memory are fewer in number (some two dozen) compared to other areas (e.g., semantic memory priming), which have seen hundreds of studies. Nevertheless, autobiographical memory priming studies have utilised quite a number of different experimental paradigms, with many having interesting ecological implications. This paper reviews the bulk of these studies. It discusses the various theoretical implications of these studies, past and present. It suggests numerous future directions in this area, as the study of priming in autobiographical memory has had significant implications, despite the small number of studies, and it offers enormous future potential.

Are involuntary autobiographical memory and déjà vu cognitive failures?

This commentary supports Barzykowski and Moulin's model, but departs from it on the question of functionality, where IAMs and déjà vu fractionate. The authors seem to say that IAMs are functional, while déjà vu is not. As there is no hard evidence supporting the idea that IAMs are functional, I argue that both phenomena should be viewed as cognitive failures.

Semantic-to-autobiographical memory priming is ubiquitous.

It is now well established that the activation of semantic memories leads to the activation of autobiographical memories. Studies have shown that semantic processing of words or pictures primes autobiographical memories on voluntary and involuntary autobiographical memory tasks (the Crovitz cue-word task and the vigilance task). Known as semantic-to-autobiographical memory priming, our goal in the current study was to demonstrate the ubiquitous nature of this form of priming by showing that a wide variety of stimuli will prime involuntary autobiographical memories on the vigilance task. In Experiment 1, semantic-to-autobiographical priming was obtained on the vigilance task following the processing of sounds (e.g., the sound of bowling) and spoken words (e.g., the word bowling). In Experiment 2, semantic-to-autobiographical priming was observed on the vigilance task following tactile processing (e.g., the objects ball, glasses) and visual word processing (e.g., the words ball, glasses). In Experiment 3, semantic-to-autobiographical priming was observed on the vigilance task following the processing of videos (e.g., videos of a marching parade) and visual word processing (e.g., the word parade). The results of these experiments support the idea that semantic-to-autobiographical activations occur across a wide variety of stimuli (e.g., linguistic, perceptual). The results also further support the idea that semantic-to-autobiographical memory priming may play an important role in the production of involuntary memories in everyday life. Additional implications (for priming theory and autobiographical memory functions) are discussed.

Semantic-to-autobiographical memory priming causes involuntary autobiographical memory production: The effects of single and multiple prime presentations.

A number of studies (Mace et al., Memory & Cognition, 47, 299-312, 2019; Mace & Unlu, Memory & Cognition, 48, 931-941, 2020) have demonstrated that the activation of semantic memories leads to the activation of autobiographical memories on an involuntary memory task (the vigilance task; Schlagman & Kvavilashvili, Memory & Cognition, 36, 920-932, 2008), suggesting that this form of priming (semantic-to-autobiographical) plays a role in the production of involuntary autobiographical memories in everyday life. In the current study, we investigated the effects of prime repetition on involuntary memory production in the vigilance task. Primed participants were either treated to one priming session, where they judged the familiarity of words (e.g., parade), or three priming sessions, where they also judged the familiarity of words as well as decided whether sentences containing the words made sense (e.g., the parade dragged on for hours), and if their corresponding images were sensible (e.g., an image of a parade). The results showed that primed participants produced more involuntary memories with primed content on the vigilance task than control participants, and three-session primed participants produced more memories than one-session primed participants. Similar to other areas where prime repetition has been investigated (e.g., implicit memory, semantic priming), the results show that prime repetition enhances semantic-to-autobiographical memory priming. The results also further support the idea that semantic-to-autobiographical memory priming may play a significant role in the production of involuntary memories in everyday life, as concept repetition is a likely part of everyday experience. These implications, as well as others, are discussed.

Semantic-to-autobiographical memory priming affects involuntary autobiographical memory production after a long delay.

It has recently been demonstrated that the activation of semantic memories primes involuntary autobiographical memories on a laboratory measure of involuntary memories (i.e., the vigilance task), suggesting that this form of priming (known as semantic-to-autobiographical) plays a role in the production of involuntary autobiographical memories in everyday life. Our goal in the current study was to replicate those priming effects, and show that they can have long durations. In a single experiment, semantic-to-autobiographical memory priming was obtained on the vigilance task following delays of several minutes and seven days. We argue that the results support the idea that semantic-to-autobiographical memory priming plays a role in the production of involuntary memories in everyday life. The full implications of delayed semantic-to-autobiographical priming are discussed.

Involuntary memory production during voluntary memory production: perceived usefulness, relevance, and intrusiveness.

Research on involuntary autobiographical memories has shown that such memories are also experienced as byproducts of voluntarily produced autobiographical memories [Mace, 2006. Episodic remembering creates access to involuntary conscious memory: Demonstrating involuntary recall on a voluntary recall task. Memory, 14(8), 917-924]. This study examined perceptions of these memories with respect to their evoking voluntary memories. Participants were engaged in an autobiographical memory recall task, and asked to report on the experience of involuntary memories. They were asked to report if involuntary memories and evoking voluntary memories were related, from the same lifetime period, if the involuntary memories had utility and relevance for evoking memories, and if the involuntary memories were experienced as intrusive. The results showed that involuntary memories were related to evoking voluntary memories, frequently from the same lifetime period, and generally not experienced as intrusive. While mostly perceived as relevant to evoking memories, less than one-half of the involuntary memories were perceived as useful. The results raise questions about the functional nature of this type of involuntary remembering.

Elucidating the mental processes underlying the direct retrieval of autobiographical memories.

The literature on autobiographical memory retrieval has directed much attention to the concepts of direct retrieval (fast, automatic retrieval) and generative retrieval (slower, deliberative/strategic retrieval). Among the many findings reported on these phenomena, their relative prevalence has stood out as a central feature in many studies, with most studies reporting the frequency of direct retrieval as equal to or exceeding generative retrieval. In this study, we used the retrieve-aloud procedure (a method where participants verbalize their thoughts while retrieving) to delve more deeply into the nature of reports of ubiquitous direct retrieval. We hypothesized that much of the direct retrieval reported in literature is not bona fide direct retrieval (i.e., seemingly automatic retrieval), but is a combination of other retrieval processes, including generative-like retrieval processes. Our results supported this view, showing that less than one-half of all of the observed direct retrievals were bona fide direct retrieval, while the rest were a form of generative retrieval, or fell somewhere in between direct and generative retrieval. We argue that the results suggest that the prevalence of direct retrieval may be overestimated in the literature, and we further propose an alternative classification schema for direct retrievals.

When trying to recall our past, all roads lead to Rome: More evidence for the multi-process retrieval theory of autobiographical memory.

In this study, we tested elements of the multi-process retrieval account of autobiographical memory, retrieval multiplicity, and retrieval selectivity. The retrieval multiplicity states that multiple different retrieval strategies are used to recall autobiographical memories, while the retrieval selectivity states that such retrieval strategies will vary in accord with the cuing environment. We tested these hypotheses across two experiments with the retrieve-aloud procedure. In the retrieve-aloud procedure, participants were required to verbalize their thoughts while attempting to retrieve personal memories in response to phrase cues (e.g., listening to music). Experiments 1 and 2 found support for the retrieval multiplicity by showing that participants used a variety of different retrieval processes (eight different processes in total), while Experiment 1 found support for the retrieval selectivity by showing that retrieval strategies varied across different cue types. The implications of the findings are discussed with respect to autobiographical memory, as well as semantic memory.

Priming autobiographical memories: How recalling the past may affect everyday forms of autobiographical remembering.

This study investigated the idea that when one recalls past episodes, that the content of those memories will activate additional episodic memories with like content, and such memories will then have the potential of surfacing in subsequent acts of involuntary and voluntary recall. We tested the episodic content priming hypothesis in two experiments. In Experiment 1, priming group participants first recalled memories about specific activities or events and then they were subsequently engaged in a word-cue voluntary autobiographical memory task. The results showed that priming group participants produced more episodic memories involving the primed content on this task than control participants occupied in the same task. In Experiment 2, episodic content priming was further tested on a measure of involuntary autobiographical memory (i.e., the vigilance task). The results on this task also revealed support for the episodic content priming hypothesis, including after a delay of 24 h.

Semantic-to-autobiographical memory priming occurs across multiple sources: Implications for autobiographical remembering.

Mace, McQueen, Hayslett, Stalely, and Welch (Memory & Cognition, 47, 299-312, 2019) demonstrated that the activation of semantic memories leads to the activation of autobiographical memories. In that study, the semantic processing of concept words (e.g., garden) was shown to prime related autobiographical memories (e.g., personal memories involving garden) on voluntary and involuntary autobiographical memory tasks. Our goal in the current study was to replicate such semantic-to-autobiographical priming effects, and show that they can be extended to a wider set of stimuli than reported in Mace et al. In Experiment 1, semantic-to-autobiographical priming was obtained on a measure of involuntary autobiographical memory (the vigilance task) following the processing of concept words in insolation and within the context of a sentence. In Experiment 2, semantic-to-autobiographical priming was again observed to occur with the vigilance task, but in this instance it occurred following the processing of both linguistic (words) and nonlinguistic (pictures) stimuli. The results of each of these experiments supports the idea that semantic-to-autobiographical activations occur within a wide variety of contexts (e.g., in language, perception, etc.). The implications of the results for autobiographical remembering are discussed.

The role of lifetime periods in the organisation of episodic memories.

Research on the nature of episodic memory associations has suggested that episodic memories are associated by conceptual knowledge, where memories cluster around the same content (e.g. memories about the same people) or general-event knowledge, where memories cluster around extended events (e.g. a holiday in London), repeated events (e.g. Sunday walks in the park), or causally related events (i.e. where one event leads to another). Research has also suggested that episodic memories are associated by lifetime periods (e.g. when I was in high school), where memories cluster within lifetime periods. However, it is unclear whether episodic memories can be associated solely by lifetime periods, or if such associations are subordinate to conceptual or general-event associations. To answer this question, we reanalysed a large sample of involuntary memory chains (Mace, J. H., Clevinger, A. M., & Bernas, R. S. (2013). Involuntary memory chains: What do they tell us about autobiographical memory organisation? Memory, 21, 324-335). The results of this analysis suggested that lifetime periods associations are subordinate to conceptual and general-event associations, as lifetime periods were found to cluster within the latter two associations. The potential functions of this organisation are discussed.

Semantic memories prime autobiographical memories: General implications and implications for everyday autobiographical remembering.

This study investigated the idea that semantic memory activation causes the activation of associated autobiographical memories (e.g., reading the word summer activates knowledge representations in semantic memory, as well as associated personal memories about summer in autobiographical memory). We tested this semantic-autobiographical memory priming hypothesis in three experiments. In Experiment 1, participants were primed with concepts (e.g., summer) on a familiarity task and were then given a word-cue voluntary autobiographical memory task. In support of the hypothesis, the results showed that primed participants had more autobiographical memories overlapping with the primed concepts than control participants. In Experiment 2, participants were similarly primed, but in this case they were given a measure of involuntary autobiographical memory (i.e., Schlagman and Kvavilashvili's (Memory & Cognition, 36, 920-932, 2008) vigilance task). The results of this experiment also supported the semantic-autobiographical memory-priming hypothesis. Experiment 3 ruled out an alternative possibility (i.e., that autobiographical memory processing had occurred in the word familiarity task) by showing that semantic-autobiographical priming had resulted from a priming task (lexical decision) where autobiographical memory processing was unlikely. The implications of these findings are discussed.

Individual differences in recognising involuntary autobiographical memories: impact on the reporting of abstract cues.

This study examined individual differences in the ability to recognise involuntary autobiographical memories. We hypothesised that individuals may not always recognise involuntary memories which are cued by abstract experiences (e.g., thoughts or language), while they are better able to recognise those which are cued by concrete sensory/perpetual experiences. We hypothesised that individuals without formal training in psychology would be more prone to these recognition failures than individuals with training in psychology. We tested the hypothesis by comparing the results of general first-year undergraduate students, graduate students in psychology and graduates students in other disciplines after each had participated in a two-week diary study of their naturally occurring involuntary memories. The results showed undergraduate participants and non-psychology graduate participants reporting fewer involuntary memories being triggered by abstract cues than the graduate psychology participants, while the groups did not differ in the report of memories triggered by sensory/perpetual cues. The implications of the findings are discussed.

Involuntary memory chains: what do they tell us about autobiographical memory organisation?

Involuntary memory chains are spontaneous recollections of the past that occur as a sequence of associated memories. This memory phenomenon has provided some insights into the nature of associations in autobiographical memory. For example, it has shown that conceptually associated memories (memories sharing similar content, such as the same people or themes) are more prevalent than general-event associated memories (memories from the same extended event period, such as a trip). This finding has suggested that conceptual associations are a central organisational principle in the autobiographical memory system. This study used involuntary memories chains to gain additional insights into the associative structure of autobiographical memory. Among the main results, we found that general-event associations have higher rates of forgetting than conceptual associations, and in long memory chains (i.e., those with more than two memories) conceptually associated memories were more likely to activate memories in their associative class, whereas general-event associated memories were less likely to activate memories in their associative class. We interpret the results as further evidence that conceptual associations are a major organising principle in the autobiographical memory system, and attempt to explain why general-event associations have shorter lifespans than conceptual associations.

Priming voluntary autobiographical memories: Implications for the organisation of autobiographical memory and voluntary recall processes.

The goal of this study was to show that voluntary autobiographical memories could be primed by the prior activation of autobiographical memories. Three experiments demonstrated voluntary memory priming with three different approaches. In Experiment 1 primed participants were asked to recall memories from their elementary school years. In a subsequent memory task primed participants were asked to recall memories from any time period, and they produced significantly more memories from their elementary school years than unprimed participants. In Experiment 2 primed participants were asked to recall what they were doing when they had heard various news events occurring between 1998 and 2005. Subsequently these participants produced significantly more memories from this time period than unprimed participants. In Experiment 3 primed participants were asked to recall memories from their teenage years. Subsequently these participants were able to recall more memories from ages 13-15 than unprimed participants, where both had only 1 second to produce a memory. We argue that the results support the notion that episodic memories can activate one another and that some of them are organised according to lifetime periods. We further argue that the results have implications for the reminiscence bump and voluntary recall of the past.