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BACKGROUND: Despite widespread use of the short-video social media platform TikTok©, limited research investigates how alcohol is portrayed on the platform. Previous research suggests that a driver of alcohol content on TikTok©, in part, comes from bartenders demonstrating how to make drinks. This study aims to explore the characterizing patterns of how bartender influencers on TikTok© feature and incorporate alcohol in their videos. METHODS: We identified the global top 15 most followed bartenders on TikTok© in 2021 (cumulative 29.7 million subscribers) and the videos they posted in November and December 2021, the period just before Christmas and New Year, when alcohol tends to be more marketed than in other periods. The videos were coded based on five criteria: (1) the presence of alcohol or not; (2) alcohol categories; (3); alcohol brand(s) if visible; (4) the presence of candies and other sweet products; (5) presence of cues that refer to young people's interests. RESULTS: In total, we identified 345 videos, which received 270,325,600 views in total, with an average of 18,021,707 views per video. Among these 345 videos, 92% (n = 317) displayed alcohol in their cocktail recipes (249,275,600 views, with an average of 786,358 views). The most common types of alcohol present in videos were liquor, vodka, rum, and whiskey, all of which are high-ABV beverages. 73% (n = 230) displayed or mentioned an alcohol brand. 17% (n = 55) associated alcohol with sweet products such as different types of candy (53,957,900 views, with an average of 981,053 views per video). 13% (n = 43) contained cues appealing to young people (e.g., cartoons, characters) (15,763,300 views, with an average of 366,588 views per video). CONCLUSIONS: Our findings suggest a large presence of positively framed alcohol content posted by popular bartenders on TikTok©. As exposure to digital marketing is related to an increase in alcohol consumption, particularly among young people, regulations are needed to protect the public from alcohol-related harms.
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Consumo de Bebidas Alcohólicas , Bebidas Alcohólicas , Medios de Comunicación Sociales , Grabación en Video , Humanos , Medios de Comunicación Sociales/estadística & datos numéricos , Consumo de Bebidas Alcohólicas/epidemiología , Consumo de Bebidas Alcohólicas/psicología , FemeninoRESUMEN
BACKGROUND: In the last few years, Mexico adopted public health policies to tackle non-communicable diseases (NCDs), such as front of package nutrition labelling, food marketing restrictions to children, and a soda tax. In parallel, transnational food and beverage industries (F&BIs), their allies, and the government have agreed on public-private partnerships (PPPs) to implement policies or deliver programs. However, research has questioned the benefits of PPPs and exposed its limitations as a suitable mechanism to improve public health. This study analyses how four PPPs between the Mexican government, the F&BI, and allies are working to achieve their goals. We critically assessed the objectives, scope, reported impacts, governance principles and perceived risks and benefits for the public health agenda of these PPPs. METHODS: This qualitative study is based on 26 interviews with key actors, and 170 publicly available documents, including 22 obtained through freedom of information (FOI) requests related to four purposively selected PPPs aiming to improve health. RESULTS: We found that the four PPPs studied had minimal public information available on their implementation and impact. The private partners tend to dictate the design, information management, and implementation of the programs, while promoting their brands. Few independent evaluations of the PPPs exist, and none reported on their effectiveness or public health benefits. Good governance principles, such as accountability, transparency, fairness, participation, integrity, and credibility, were barely followed in each of the cases studied. Public officials did not automatically question the conflict of interest (CoI) of such arrangements. When there were COI, the potential risks these posed did not always outweigh the financial benefits of working with the F&BI and its allies. CONCLUSION: The four PPPs studied produced minimal gains for public health while boosting credibility for the participating transnational F&BIs. It shows the lack of awareness of how these PPPs might be hindering public health gains.
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Bebidas Gaseosas , Asociación entre el Sector Público-Privado , Niño , Humanos , México , Salud Pública , Impuestos , Bebidas , Política PúblicaRESUMEN
BACKGROUND: The exploitative marketing of commercial milk formula (CMF) reduces breastfeeding, and harms child and maternal health globally. Yet forty years after the International Code of Marketing of Breast-Milk Substitutes (The Code) was adopted by WHO member states, many countries are still to fully implement its provisions into national law. Furthermore, despite The Code, worldwide CMF markets have markedly expanded. In this paper, we adopt Brazil as a case study to understand the power of the baby food industry's marketing and corporate political activity, and how this influences the country's 'first-food system' in ways that promote and sustain CMF consumption. METHODS: We used a case study design, drawing data from from documents and key informant interviews (N = 10). RESULTS: Breastfeeding rates plummeted in Brazil to a historic low in the 1970s. A resurgence in breastfeeding from the mid-1980s onwards reflected strengthening political commitment for a national policy framework and breastfeeding protection law, resulting in-turn, from collective actions by breastfeeding coalitions, advocates, and mothers. Yet more recently, improvements in breastfeeding have plateaued in Brazil, while the industry grew CMF sales in Brazil by 750% between 2006 and 20. As regulations tightened, the industry has more aggressively promoted CMF for older infants and young children, as well as specialised formulas. The baby food industry is empowered through association with powerful industry groups, and employs lobbyists with good access to policymakers. The industry has captured the pediatric profession in Brazil through its long-standing association with the Brazilian Society of Pediatrics. CONCLUSION: Brazil illustrates how the baby food industry uses marketing and political activity to promote and sustain CMF markets, to the detriment of breastfeeding. Our results demonstrate that this industry requires much greater scrutiny by regulators.
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Lactancia Materna , Alimentos Infantiles , Lactante , Femenino , Humanos , Niño , Preescolar , Brasil , Mercadotecnía , Industria de AlimentosRESUMEN
INTRODUCTION: We analyzed the bio-food industry's corporate political activity (CPA) during the revisions of Canada's food guide between 2016 and 2019. METHODS: We undertook a content analysis of the websites of 11 bio-food industry organizations and of the briefs that 10 of them submitted to the Canadian House of Commons Standing Committee on Health, as part of this Committee's review of the food guide. Data were classified according to an existing conceptual framework. RESULTS: We identified 366 examples of CPA used by the bio-food industry during and immediately after the development of the food guide. Most of the industry actors opposed the guide's recommendations. The most common CPA strategies were information management (n = 197), used to create and disseminate information in industry's favour, and discursive strategies (n = 108), used to defend food products and promote the industry's position regarding the food guide. Influencing public policy (n = 40), by gaining indirect access to policy makers (e.g. through lobbying) and becoming active in government decision-making, as well as coalition management (n = 21), by establishing relationships with opinion leaders and health organizations, were also common strategies. CONCLUSION: Bio-food industry actors used many different CPA strategies during the revisions of the food guide. It is important to continue to document the bio-food industry's CPA to understand whether and how this is shaping public policy development in Canada and elsewhere.
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Gobierno , Organizaciones , Humanos , Canadá , Personal Administrativo , PolíticaRESUMEN
BACKGROUND: In recent decades there has been a global rise in consumption of ultra-processed foods (UPFs) to the detriment of population health and the environment. Large corporations that have focused heavily on low-cost manufacturing and extensive marketing of UPFs to maximise profits have driven this dietary transition. The same corporations claim to serve the interests of multiple 'stakeholders', and that they are contributing to sustainable development. This paper aimed to test these claims by examining the degree to which UPF corporations have become 'financialised', focusing on the extent to which they have prioritised the financial interests of their shareholders relative to other actors, as well as the role that various types of investors have played in influencing their governance. Findings were used to inform discussion on policy responses to improve the healthiness of population diets. METHODS: We adopted an exploratory research design using multiple methods. We conducted quantitative analysis of the financial data of U.S. listed food and agricultural corporations between 1962 and 2021, share ownership data of a selection of UPF corporations, and proxy voting data of a selection of investors between 2012 and 2022. We also conducted targeted narrative reviews using structured and branching searches of academic and grey literature. RESULTS: Since the 1980s, corporations that depend heavily on manufacturing and marketing UPFs to generate profits have been increasingly transferring money to their shareholders relative to their total revenue, and at a level considerably higher than other food and agricultural sectors. In recent years, large hedge fund managers have had a substantial influence on the governance of major UPF corporations in their pursuit of maximising short-term returns. In comparison, shareholders seeking to take steps to improve population diets have had limited influence, in part because large asset managers mostly oppose public health-related shareholder proposals. CONCLUSIONS: The operationalisation of 'shareholder primacy' by major UPF corporations has driven inequity and undermines their claims that they are creating 'value' for diverse actors. Measures that protect population diets and food systems from the extractive forces of financialisation are likely needed as part of efforts to improve the healthiness of population diets.
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Alimentos Procesados , Salud Pública , Humanos , Comercio , Dieta , Comida Rápida , Manipulación de AlimentosRESUMEN
Compounding humanitarian and political crises within and across countries have been met with shrinking public resources for coordination, recovery, and mitigation. This resource constrained humanitarian environment presents opportunities for multinational corporations to supplement budgets and actively participate in new markets through connecting with humanitarian work. Given the well-established influence of corporations on public health, an assessment of industry funding to humanitarian assistance is necessary especially in the fragile context of Lebanon with a substantial refugee population and multiple compounding crises. This paper examines three aspects of corporate assistance in humanitarian crises in Lebanon. It investigates the modality of corporate assistance to humanitarian agencies, the extent to which humanitarian agency staff are aware of implications of this assistance along with any ethical considerations related to it, and both the risks and benefits for corporations and people. This study explores the views of 14 local and international humanitarian agencies in Lebanon) through in-depth interviews conducted between 2020 and 2022. Interviews were recorded, transcribed and subject to thematic analysis. All agencies participating in the study provided social and health assistance as well as education, vocational training, and other services to refugees or Lebanese. Findings indicate that the majority of them receive corporate funding in varying amounts and in-kind contributions to support various projects. Despite imposed conditions by the corporations, such as posting logos and stories, the agencies perceived the benefits of partnering, mentioning financial assistance in time of need, and flexible agendas that outweigh the risks of conflicts of interest of corporate branding on the populations they serve. Benefits to the corporations themselves relate to corporate social responsibility, increased market reach and visibility. Challenges in partnering with for-profits include ethical considerations and programmatic issues, however no guidelines were reported to exist to detect corporate conflicts of interest, instead most of the agencies rely on their value systems for screening.
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BACKGROUND: In 2016 and 2018, the Peruvian Ministry of Economy and Finance (MoEF) significantly reformulated taxes on tobacco products, alcohol and sugar-sweetened beverages (SSBs). During these processes, different actors advanced arguments supporting or opposing the taxes. This study examines Peru's political and socioeconomic factors, the role of other actors and framing strategies, shaping health taxes introduction. METHODS: We conducted qualitative analysis by collecting information from three sources, such as: (1) media material (n=343 documents), (2) government documents (n=34) and (3) semistructured interviews (n=11). That data allowed us to identify and characterise the actors involved in implementing health taxes in Peru. We combined the data from these sources, synthesised our findings and conducted a stakeholder analysis. RESULTS: Key actors supporting taxes were the MoEF and civil society organisations, while trade associations and the alcohol, SSBs and tobacco industries opposed them using economic, trade-related arguments and criticised the policy process. The supporting group used arguments related to the economy and health to legitimate its narrative. The framing strategies employed by these stakeholders shaped and determined the outcome of the policy process. CONCLUSION: Peruvian stakeholders against health taxes demonstrated a strong capacity to convey their messages to the media and high-level policy-makers. Despite these efforts, attempts to interfere with health taxes were unsuccessful in 2016 and 2018 and failed to overcome state institutions, particularly the MoEF. Strong institutions and individual decision-makers in Peru also contributed to the successful implementation of health taxes in Peru in 2016 and 2018.
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Obesidad , Bebidas Azucaradas , Humanos , Perú , Impuestos , Factores SocioeconómicosRESUMEN
Health taxes are effective policy instruments to save lives, raise government revenues and improve equity. Health taxes, however, directly conflict with commercial actors' interests. Both pro-tax health advocates and anti-tax industry representatives seek to frame health tax policy. Yet, little is known about which frames resonate in which settings and how framing can most effectively advance or limit policies. To fill this gap, we conducted qualitative research in 2022, including focus group discussions, in-depth interviews, document reviews and media analysis on the political economy of health taxes across eight low-income and middle-income countries. Studies captured multiple actors constructing context-specific frames, often tied to broader economic, health and administrative considerations. Findings suggest that no single frame dominates; in fact, a plurality of different frames exist and shape discourse and policymaking. There was no clear trade-off between health and economic framing of health tax policy proposals, nor a straightforward way to handle concerns around earmarking. Understanding how to best position health taxes can empower health policymakers with more persuasive framings for health taxes and can support them to develop broader coalitions to advance health taxes. These insights can improve efforts to advance health taxes by better appreciating political economy factors and constraining corporate power, ultimately leading to improved population-level health.
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Países en Desarrollo , Política de Salud , Humanos , Formulación de Políticas , Política , ImpuestosRESUMEN
PURPOSE OF REVIEW: To review the upstream determinants of overweight and obesity in Europe, including food and built environments, and political, commercial, and socioeconomic determinants. RECENT FINDINGS: Overweight and obesity affect 60% of European adults, and one in three children, and are more common in individuals with low compared to high socioeconomic position (SEP). Individuals in low SEP groups are more exposed to unhealthy built and food environments, including higher exposure to unhealthy food marketing. Industries influencing the food system have much economic power, resulting in ignoring or silencing the role of ultra-processed foods and commercial practices in weight gain. Overall, effective policies to address overweight and obesity have been insufficiently implemented by governments. To accelerate implementation, strengthened political commitment is essential. Policies must also focus on the upstream, structural, and systemic drivers of overweight and obesity; be comprehensive; and target socioeconomic inequalities in diets and physical activity.
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Obesidad , Sobrepeso , Niño , Adulto , Humanos , Sobrepeso/epidemiología , Obesidad/epidemiología , Dieta , Factores Socioeconómicos , Aumento de Peso , Europa (Continente)/epidemiologíaRESUMEN
BACKGROUND: Non-communicable diseases (NCDs) kill 41 million people a year. The products and services of unhealthy commodity industries (UCIs) such as tobacco, alcohol, ultra-processed foods and beverages and gambling are responsible for much of this health burden. While effective public health policies are available to address this, UCIs have consistently sought to stop governments and global organisations adopting such policies through what is known as corporate political activity (CPA). We aimed to contribute to the study of CPA and development of effective counter-measures by formulating a model and evidence-informed taxonomies of UCI political activity. METHODS: We used five complementary methods: critical interpretive synthesis of the conceptual CPA literature; brief interviews; expert co-author knowledge; stakeholder workshops; testing against the literature. RESULTS: We found 11 original conceptualisations of CPA; four had been used by other researchers and reported in 24 additional review papers. Combining an interpretive synthesis of all these papers and feedback from users, we developed two taxonomies - one on framing strategies and one on action strategies. The former identified three frames (policy actors, problem, and solutions) and the latter six strategies (access and influence policy-making, use the law, manufacture support for industry, shape evidence to manufacture doubt, displace, and usurp public health, manage reputations to industry's advantage). We also offer an analysis of the strengths and weaknesses of UCI strategies and a model that situates industry CPA in the wider social, political, and economic context. CONCLUSION: Our work confirms the similarity of CPA across UCIs and demonstrates its extensive and multi-faceted nature, the disproportionate power of corporations in policy spaces and the unacceptable conflicts of interest that characterise their engagement with policy-making. We suggest that industry CPA is recognised as a corruption of democracy, not an element of participatory democracy. Our taxonomies and model provide a starting point for developing effective solutions.
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Política , Política Pública , Humanos , Comercio , Formulación de Políticas , Política de SaludRESUMEN
Most public health research on the commercial determinants of health (CDOH) to date has focused on a narrow segment of commercial actors. These actors are generally the transnational corporations producing so-called unhealthy commodities such as tobacco, alcohol, and ultra-processed foods. Furthermore, as public health researchers, we often discuss the CDOH using sweeping terms such as private sector, industry, or business that lump together diverse entities whose only shared characteristic is their engagement in commerce. The absence of clear frameworks for differentiating among commercial entities, and for understanding how they might promote or harm health, hinders the governance of commercial interests in public health. Moving forward, it is necessary to develop a nuanced understanding of commercial entities that goes beyond this narrow focus, enabling the consideration of a fuller range of commercial entities and the features that characterise and distinguish them. In this paper, which is the second of three papers in a Series on commercial determinants of health, we develop a framework that enables meaningful distinctions among diverse commercial entities through consideration of their practices, portfolios, resources, organisation, and transparency. The framework that we develop permits fuller consideration of whether, how, and to what extent a commercial actor might influence health outcomes. We discuss possible applications for decision making about engagement; managing and mitigating conflicts of interest; investment and divestment; monitoring; and further research on the CDOH. Improved differentiation among commercial actors strengthens the capacity of practitioners, advocates, academics, regulators, and policy makers to make decisions about, to better understand, and to respond to the CDOH through research, engagement, disengagement, regulation, and strategic opposition.
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Comercio , Salud Pública , Humanos , Industrias , OrganizacionesRESUMEN
This paper is about the future role of the commercial sector in global health and health equity. The discussion is not about the overthrow of capitalism nor a full-throated embrace of corporate partnerships. No single solution can eradicate the harms from the commercial determinants of health-the business models, practices, and products of market actors that damage health equity and human and planetary health and wellbeing. But evidence shows that progressive economic models, international frameworks, government regulation, compliance mechanisms for commercial entities, regenerative business types and models that incorporate health, social, and environmental goals, and strategic civil society mobilisation together offer possibilities of systemic, transformative change, reduce those harms arising from commercial forces, and foster human and planetary wellbeing. In our view, the most basic public health question is not whether the world has the resources or will to take such actions, but whether humanity can survive if society fails to make this effort.