RESUMEN
Resumo O depoimento especial de crianças e adolescentes e a Lei 13.431/2017 questionam a interface entre a psicologia e a justiça. Essa lei tem em suas fontes a Resolução 20/2005, do Conselho Econômico e Social das Nações Unidas, que traça diretrizes para a justiça em casos de crianças vítimas ou testemunhas de crime. Realizou-se pesquisa qualitativa, baseada em levantamento bibliográfico e documental, tendo por eixo as legislações mencionadas e os procedimentos e papéis profissionais nelas previstos. Avalia-se a dissonância entre os dois documentos e suas consequências, bem como as definições de vitimização secundária, revitimização, pessoa de apoio e intermediário, não adotadas na Lei 13.431/2017. Algumas práticas estrangeiras alinhadas à Resolução 20/2005 são descritas e comentadas, mostrando diferenças significativas em relação ao que é realizado no Brasil. Conclui-se que uma dessas diferenças entre um e outro documento é o aspecto da proteção, que perde sua força e revela o limite do funcionamento do judiciário no acolhimento daquele que demanda cuidado.(AU)
Abstract The special testimony of children and adolescents and the Law 13431/17 question the interface between psychology and justice. This law results from the Resolution 20/2005 of the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations, which outlines guidelines for justice in matters involving child victims or witnesses of crime. Considering the aforementioned legislation and their provisions for procedures and professional roles, a qualitative research based on bibliographic and documentary surveys was conducted to evaluate the dissonances between the two documents and their consequences, as well as the definitions of secondary victimization, revictimization, support person, and mediator - not provided in the Law 13431/17. This paper describes and comments some foreign practices aligned with the Resolution 20/2005, showing significant differences with the practices employed in the Brazilian scenario. The results indicate that the protection aspect loses its strength between one document and the other, revealing the limit of the judiciary functioning in hosting those who demand care.(AU)
Resumen La declaración especial de niños y adolescentes y la Ley 13.431/2017 cuestionan la relación entre psicología y justicia. Esta ley tiene en sus fuentes la Resolución 20/2005, del Consejo Económico y Social de las Naciones Unidas, relativa a directrices sobre la justicia para los niños víctimas o testigos de delitos. Se realizó una investigación cualitativa, basada en levantamiento bibliográfico y documental, cuyos ejes fueron las mencionadas legislaciones y los procedimientos y roles profesionales previstos en ellas. Se evalúa la disonancia entre los dos documentos y sus consecuencias, así como las definiciones de victimización secundaria, re-victimización, persona de apoyo e intermediario, no adoptadas en la Ley 13.431/2017. Algunas prácticas extranjeras acorde a la Resolución 20/2005 se describen y comentan, subrayando diferencias significativas con lo que se realiza en Brasil. Se concluye que una de estas diferencias es la protección que pierde su fuerza y evidencia el límite del funcionamiento del sistema judicial en la protección de quien demanda cuidado.(AU)
Asunto(s)
Humanos , Niño , Defensa del Niño/legislación & jurisprudencia , Víctimas de Crimen/legislación & jurisprudencia , Sistema de Justicia , Poder Judicial , Psicología Forense , Abuso Sexual Infantil , Investigación CualitativaRESUMEN
In Mexico, the complexity of the comprehensive care of a girl, boy or adolescent who is the victim of any form of child abuse requires the necessary legal knowledge for comprehensive management. Physicians probably lack sufficient knowledge of the laws to understand and correctly address the legal aspects immersed in the comprehensive care of this population group. Considering that child abuse has been characterized as a world-wide medical-social-legal problem, it is necessary to know the essential legal mechanisms to protect minors who are victims of it and understand the legal status of their families and of the probable aggressor. The purpose of this article is to present the existing legal framework in Mexico and the actions of world organizations in this area. It is necessary for the Political Constitution of the United Mexican States to be the basis on which legal behaviors related to child abuse, crime investigation and administration of justice are founded, as well as for international agreements on the subject, which have been signed by the government of Mexico, to be adhered to.
En México, la complejidad de la atención integral de una niña, niño o adolescente víctima de cualquier modalidad de maltrato infantil requiere el conocimiento jurídico indispensable para su manejo integral. Los médicos probablemente no tienen un conocimiento suficiente de las leyes para entender y atender correctamente los aspectos legales involucrados en la atención integral a este grupo de la población. Considerando que el maltrato infantil ha sido catalogado como un problema médico-social-legal de alcance mundial, se hace necesario el conocimiento de los mecanismos jurídicos indispensables para proteger a los menores que son víctimas y entender la condición legal de su familia y del probable agresor. El objetivo de este artículo es presentar el marco jurídico existente en México y las acciones en este rubro de las organizaciones mundiales. Se precisa que la Constitución Política de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos sea la base en la que se fundamenten las conductas legales vinculadas con el maltrato infantil, la investigación de delitos y la administración de justicia, así como los convenios internacionales sobre el tema, los cuales han sido suscritos por el gobierno de México.
Asunto(s)
Maltrato a los Niños/legislación & jurisprudencia , Víctimas de Crimen/legislación & jurisprudencia , Adolescente , Niño , Femenino , Humanos , Masculino , MéxicoRESUMEN
The reporting of rape to police is an important component of this crime to have the criminal justice system involved and, potentially, punish offenders. However, for a number of reasons (fear of retribution, self-blame, etc.), most rapes are not reported to police. Most often, the research investigating this phenomenon considers incident and victim factors with little attention to the spatio-temporal factors of the rape. In this study, we consider incident, victim, and spatio-temporal factors relating to rape reporting in Campinas, Brazil. Our primary research question is whether or not the spatio-temporal factors play a significant role in the reporting of rape, over and above incident and victim factors. The subjects under study are women who were admitted to the Women's Integrated Healthcare Center at the State University of Campinas, Brazil, and surveyed by a psychologist or a social worker. Rape reporting to police was measured using a dichotomous variable. Logistic regression was used to predict the probability of rape reporting based on incident, victim, and spatio-temporal factors. Although we find that incident and victim factors matter for rape reporting, spatio-temporal factors (rape/home location and whether the rape was in a private or public place) play an important role in rape reporting, similar to the literature that considers these factors. This result has significant implications for sexual violence education. Only when we know why women decide not to report a rape may we begin to work on strategies to overcome these hurdles.
Asunto(s)
Mujeres Maltratadas/legislación & jurisprudencia , Víctimas de Crimen/legislación & jurisprudencia , Criminales/legislación & jurisprudencia , Violación/legislación & jurisprudencia , Salud de la Mujer/legislación & jurisprudencia , Adulto , Mujeres Maltratadas/psicología , Brasil , Víctimas de Crimen/psicología , Criminales/psicología , Femenino , Humanos , Policia , Política Pública , Violación/psicología , Violencia/legislación & jurisprudenciaRESUMEN
Discussion of reparations for U.S.-Guatemala STD experiments of the 1940s and 50s should be informed by a range of international and U.S. reparation experiences, so that features that impair the effectiveness of repair are avoided, and features that enhance effectiveness of repair are emulated. Two features have contributed to the effectiveness or ineffectiveness of repair elsewhere but have not been critically examined in relation to the Guatemalan experiments: Whether experimental subjects or their families have the opportunity to participate in reparations processes, and whether any group of experimental subjects is intentionally denied recognition. Three advantages of victim participation are explored, and a critique provided of one narrow delimitation of victims. Even if political and moral failings ultimately prevent reparations for Guatemalan experimental subjects, an emphasis on effectiveness and victim-centeredness should nonetheless shape reparations for other, future victims of human rights abuses in experimentation.
Asunto(s)
Compensación y Reparación , Víctimas de Crimen , Experimentación Humana/ética , Violación , Enfermedades de Transmisión Sexual/historia , Víctimas de Crimen/historia , Víctimas de Crimen/legislación & jurisprudencia , Familia , Femenino , Guatemala , Historia del Siglo XX , Experimentación Humana/historia , Derechos Humanos , Humanos , Masculino , Violación/legislación & jurisprudencia , Enfermedades de Transmisión Sexual/transmisión , Estados UnidosRESUMEN
Violence against women has increased over the years and is a serious violation of human rights. This study aimed to evaluate public policies, women's rights legislation and health care for victims of sexual violence. This is an exploratory and descriptive study, with interviews to professionals of the Care Center for Women Victims of Violence of Teresina-PI, and collection of medical records data of victims. We analyzed data in the light of legislation and guidelines recommended by the Ministry of Health, according to the established public policies. We noted an improvement of the Brazilian legislation and increasing intervention of government in order to control the violence. The evaluated service calls for the humanization of care, the principles of dignity, non-discrimination, confidentiality and privacy, avoiding exposure and distress of victims. Physical and gynecological examination are conducted, besides laboratory tests such as serological tests and collecting traces aiming at identifying the offender, as well as pharmaceutical care and multi-professional support. We can conclude that the current legislation and the guidelines and procedures recommended by public policies to protect women are effective in the referral service studied.
Asunto(s)
Víctimas de Crimen/rehabilitación , Atención a la Salud/legislación & jurisprudencia , Política Pública , Delitos Sexuales/legislación & jurisprudencia , Derechos de la Mujer/legislación & jurisprudencia , Brasil , Víctimas de Crimen/legislación & jurisprudencia , Femenino , Política de Salud , Derechos Humanos/legislación & jurisprudencia , Humanos , Salud de la MujerRESUMEN
Resumo A violência contra mulheres tem crescido, constituindo-se grave violação dos direitos humanos. Objetivou-se avaliar as políticas públicas, a legislação de proteção à mulher e os atendimentos de saúde às vítimas de violência sexual. Realizou-se estudo exploratório e descritivo, com entrevistas a profissionais do Serviço de Atendimento à Mulher Vítima de Violência de Teresina-PI, além de coleta de dados de prontuários das vítimas. Os dados foram analisados à luz da legislação e das diretrizes preconizadas pelo Ministério da Saúde, consoante com as políticas públicas instituídas. Observou-se evolução da legislação brasileira e crescente intervenção do poder público no intuito de controlar a violência. O serviço avaliado preconiza a humanização do atendimento, os princípios da dignidade, não discriminação, do sigilo e da privacidade, evitando a exposição e o desgaste das vítimas. São realizados exames físico e ginecológico, outros complementares como testes sorológicos e coleta de vestígios em busca da identificação do agressor, além de assistência farmacêutica e acompanhamento multiprofissional. Pode-se concluir que a legislação vigente, bem como as diretrizes e os procedimentos preconizados pelas políticas públicas de proteção à mulher são eficazes no serviço de referência estudado.
Abstract Violence against women has increased over the years and is a serious violation of human rights. This study aimed to evaluate public policies, women’s rights legislation and health care for victims of sexual violence. This is an exploratory and descriptive study, with interviews to professionals of the Care Center for Women Victims of Violence of Teresina-PI, and collection of medical records data of victims. We analyzed data in the light of legislation and guidelines recommended by the Ministry of Health, according to the established public policies. We noted an improvement of the Brazilian legislation and increasing intervention of government in order to control the violence. The evaluated service calls for the humanization of care, the principles of dignity, non-discrimination, confidentiality and privacy, avoiding exposure and distress of victims. Physical and gynecological examination are conducted, besides laboratory tests such as serological tests and collecting traces aiming at identifying the offender, as well as pharmaceutical care and multi-professional support. We can conclude that the current legislation and the guidelines and procedures recommended by public policies to protect women are effective in the referral service studied.
Asunto(s)
Humanos , Femenino , Política Pública , Delitos Sexuales/legislación & jurisprudencia , Derechos de la Mujer/legislación & jurisprudencia , Víctimas de Crimen/rehabilitación , Atención a la Salud/legislación & jurisprudencia , Brasil , Salud de la Mujer , Víctimas de Crimen/legislación & jurisprudencia , Política de Salud , Derechos Humanos/legislación & jurisprudenciaRESUMEN
This article studies the impact of judicial reform in Mexico. It does so using a survey about crime victimization and perceptions of insecurity (Encuesta Nacional Sobre la Inseguridad [ENSI]) collected in 2005, 2008, and 2009 in 11 Mexican cities, 3 of which implemented the reform in 2007 and 2008. This analysis shows that judicial reform not only reduces victimization but also lowers perceptions of security. Although we find that judicial reform has a negative effect on trust in the local and federal police, judicial reform reduces the probability of being asked by the transit police for a bribe.
Asunto(s)
Víctimas de Crimen/legislación & jurisprudencia , Reforma de la Atención de Salud/legislación & jurisprudencia , Política de Salud/legislación & jurisprudencia , Sobrevivientes/legislación & jurisprudencia , Humanos , Rol Judicial , Programas Controlados de Atención en Salud/legislación & jurisprudencia , MéxicoRESUMEN
¿Es posible que poblaciones que viven en condiciones socioeconómicas precarias y en contextos violentos, puedan proveer se una seguridad diferente a la ofrecida por el Estado y por actores armados ilegales? Es la pregunta que responde este artículo, con base en la investigación realizada en Medellín, con población víctima de desplazamiento forzado de la comuna 8, que trabaja con enfoque de seguridad humana y metodología desde abajo. Analiza las políticas de seguridad del Estado, contrastándo las con las iniciativas comunitarias para enfrentar sus inseguridades mediante estrategias de acción y agendas comunitarias para proveer seguridad humana y conformarse como ciudadanos y colectivos sociales empoderados políticamente. Seña la limitaciones y potencialidades de una propuesta de seguridad aplicada por un grupo poblacional altamente vulnerado y vulnerable.
Is it possible that populations living in precarious socio-economic conditions and in violent contexts, can provide a different security from that offered by the State and illegal armed actors? It is the question that this article answers, based on a research carried out inMedellin, with victims of forced displacement of the Commune 8, which works with a focus on human security and methodology from the bottom. It analyzes the policies of the State security, contrasting them against the community initiatives in order to address their insecurities through action strategies and community agendas and thus provide human security and settle as citizens and social collectives empowered politically. It points out limitations and potentialities of a proposal of security applied by a highly violated and vulnerable population group.
Asunto(s)
Víctimas de Crimen , Víctimas de Crimen/clasificación , Víctimas de Crimen/economía , Víctimas de Crimen/educación , Víctimas de Crimen/estadística & datos numéricos , Víctimas de Crimen/historia , Víctimas de Crimen/legislación & jurisprudencia , Víctimas de Crimen/psicología , Víctimas de Crimen/rehabilitaciónRESUMEN
El presente texto segundo de dos entregas, realiza un acercamiento a lasinvestigaciones realizadas en la pasada década y a comienzos de la presente sobre los procesos de reparación, en el marco de procesos de justicia transicional en países en procesos que van de la guerra a la paz y de la dictadura a la democracia. Se revisan investigaciones que versan sobre las consecuencias de los procesos dereparación y de transición en las víctimas, en la reconstrucción del tejido social, en la generación de procesos de reconciliación y la transformación del sujeto individual y colectivo.
This current text, which is the second of two issues, carries out an approach ofinvestigations conducted in the past decade and at the beginning of the present decade on the reparation processes, within the context of transitional justice processes, in countries which are on the way to peace, and from dictatorship todemocracy. We review research dealing with the consequences of the reparationand transition processes of victims, in the reconstruction of the social fabric, inthe generation of reconciliation processes, and the transformation of the individual and collective subject.
Asunto(s)
Humanos , Víctimas de Crimen , Víctimas de Crimen/clasificación , Víctimas de Crimen/economía , Víctimas de Crimen/historia , Víctimas de Crimen/legislación & jurisprudencia , Víctimas de Crimen/psicologíaRESUMEN
Female sex workers (FSW) represent a population confronted with an array of intersecting social problems. We explore the case of FSW in Nuevo Laredo and Ciudad Juarez to understand the everyday violence associated with sex work within the unique context of Mexico. Life history interviews were conducted with 109 FSW revealing violent acts by clients and other sex industry employees (bar owners, police, other FSW). The risk of violence by different types of persons associated with the sex work industry varied by venue and geographic area. Moreover, the violence was shaped by the social structural constraints of dominant gender ideologies.
Asunto(s)
Mujeres Maltratadas/estadística & datos numéricos , Víctimas de Crimen , Trabajadores Sexuales , Problemas Sociales , Violencia , Víctimas de Crimen/legislación & jurisprudencia , Víctimas de Crimen/psicología , Víctimas de Crimen/estadística & datos numéricos , Femenino , Humanos , México , Evaluación de Necesidades , Factores de Riesgo , Trabajo Sexual/etnología , Trabajo Sexual/estadística & datos numéricos , Trabajadores Sexuales/psicología , Trabajadores Sexuales/estadística & datos numéricos , Enfermedades de Transmisión Sexual/epidemiología , Enfermedades de Transmisión Sexual/prevención & control , Control Social Formal/métodos , Problemas Sociales/legislación & jurisprudencia , Problemas Sociales/prevención & control , Problemas Sociales/estadística & datos numéricos , Estados Unidos , Violencia/prevención & control , Violencia/estadística & datos numéricos , Salud de la MujerRESUMEN
Este artigo discute a definição de tráfico de pessoas colocada no Código Penal brasileiro e suas relações com sensos proibitivos da prostituição. Para pensar esta questão, se faz uso de epistemologias feministas que apontam como essa discursividade se arranja em torno da noção de passividade e debilidade feminina. Parece haver um certo consenso entre as pessoas treinadas para combater o tráfico de pessoas a respeito do argumento de que um dos empecilhos ao seu trabalho é o fato de as vítimas não se reconhecem como vítimas. Neste artigo, problematiza-se tal argumento explicativo e mostra-se como ele é, ao mesmo tempo, efeito e reforço da embaraçosa definição de tráfico colocada no Código Penal.
In this article we discuss the definition of human trafficking as showcased in the Brazilian Criminal Code and its relationships with the prohibition of prostitution. We use feminist epistemologies to demonstrate how such discursivity is organized around the notion of a passive, fragile female nature. There seems to be a consensus among people trained to combat human trafficking on the argument that one obstacle to their work is the victims' inability to see themselves as victims. We show that that is, at the same time, effect and reinforcement of the unfortunate Criminal Code definition of human trafficking.
Este artículo discute la definición de tráfico de personas del Código Penal brasilero y sus relaciones con la prohibición de la prostitución. Para pensar esta cuestión se hace uso de epistemologias feministas que senalan cómo dicha discursividad se ubica en torno de las nociones de pasividad y debilidad femeninas. Pareciera haber algún consenso entre quienes han sido entrenados para combatir el tráfico de personas, sobre que uno de los obstáculos en su trabajo es que las víctimas no se reconocen como tales. En el artículo se problematiza dicho argumento explicativo, y se muestra cómo es -al mismo tiempo- efecto y refuerzo de la desafortunada definición de tráfico incluida en el Código Penal.
Asunto(s)
Humanos , Femenino , Feminismo , Mujeres , Trabajo Sexual , Trata de Personas/legislación & jurisprudencia , Víctimas de Crimen/legislación & jurisprudencia , Brasil , Controles Informales de la Sociedad , Poder PsicológicoRESUMEN
El siguiente artículo recoge las voces de víctimas de violencia política en tres escenarios geográficos y sociopolíticos: el Oriente Antioqueño, el sur de Córdoba y la ciudad de Medellín (Madres de la Candelaria). A través de relatos de vida y grupos focales, los y las participantes expresaron sus significaciones y experiencias en torno a su participación en escenarios de reparación, verdad y justicia propiciados por el Estado Colombiano (hasta junio de 2012) en el marco de las normas de transición que se han aplicado en un contexto donde no ha finalizado el conflicto armado y se mantienen altos índices de impunidad y coerción de la población civil. Se discuten, a partir de los testimonios, las consecuencias psicosociales que se generan en las personas, desde una mirada compleja, cuando acuden a estos mecanismos propiciados por las normas Colombianas. Abordando tanto los efectos de transformación y reparación, como aquellos que producen revictimización. Se concluye con una propuesta de justicia anamnética (Reyes Mate, 2003) que posibilite escenarios que respeten los derechos de las víctimas sin que esto implique revictimización ni obstáculos a logro de la paz.
The following article contains the voices of the victims of political violence in three geographical and sociopolitical scenarios in Colombia: The Eastern area of Antioquia, the Southern area of Cordoba and the city of Medellin (Mothers of the La Candelaria). Through stories of life and groups focus, participants expressed their meanings and experiences related to their participation in scenarios of repair, truth, and justice brought about by the Colombian State (as of June 2012) in the framework of the rules of transition which have been applied, in a context where the armed conflict has not ended yet, and where high levels of impunity and coercion of civilians have been maintained. Based on the testimonies collected, the psycho-social consequences generated in people, from a complex look, when they make use of these mechanisms supported by the Colombian standards, are discussed in this article. It addresses the transformation and the repair effects as well as those which cause re-victimization. As a conclusion, it proposes an anamnestic justice (Reyes Mate, 2003) which makes possible the respect of the rights of victims, without implying revictimization or obstacles to the achievement of peace.
Asunto(s)
Humanos , Víctimas de Crimen/legislación & jurisprudencia , Víctimas de Crimen/psicología , Revelación de la Verdad/ética , Justicia SocialRESUMEN
Los enfoques de justicia transicional persiguen el propósito de restablecer las condiciones naturales de las instituciones estatales, camino de la verdad, la justicia y la reparación. En tiempos recientes, el ordenamiento jurídico colombiano incorporó dos modelos especiales y complementarios de éste enfoque de justicia (a saber, la Ley de Víctimas y Restitución de Tierras y la Ley de Justicia y Paz). A partir de un sucinto análisis de los dos modelos de justicia transicional antedichos, sugiero que la ocurrencia del conflicto armado y la existencia de víctimas evidencian la debilidad práctica del Estado Político y la fragilidad del núcleo democrático. Se define defiendo la tesis de que los modelos de justicia transicional citados solucionan parte del problema (espacios materiales de reparación), pero que ellos mismos deben ser acompañados por la sociedad civil a través de la creación de un grado de conciencia del conflicto (espacios simbólicos de reparación) inspirado en el sentimiento moral de la indignación, único posibilitador de la reconciliación.
The approaches of transitional justice aim to restore the natural conditions of State institutions, the way of truth, justice and reparation. At recent times, the Colombian legal system incorporated two special and complementary models of this approach of justice (i.e. the Law of Victims and Restitution of Lands and the Law of Justice and Peace). Starting from a succinct analysis of two aforementioned models of transitional justice, I suggest that the occurrence of the armed conflict and the existence of victims demonstrate the practical weakness of the political State and the fragility of the democratic core. It is defined by defending the thesis that the aforementioned models of transitional justice solve the problem partially (material areas of repair), but that they themselves must be accompanied by the civil society through the creation of a degree of awareness of the conflict (symbolic spaces of repair) inspired by the moral sense of outrage, as being the only means of reconciliation.
Asunto(s)
Humanos , Víctimas de Crimen , Jurisprudencia/legislación & jurisprudencia , Víctimas de Crimen/estadística & datos numéricos , Víctimas de Crimen/legislación & jurisprudencia , Víctimas de Crimen/psicologíaRESUMEN
Vem a público manifestar repúdio em relação à decisão tomada pela ministra Maria Thereza de Assis Moura que não considerou crime o ato praticado pelo agressor.
Asunto(s)
Humanos , Femenino , Niño , Violación/legislación & jurisprudencia , Delitos Sexuales/legislación & jurisprudencia , Defensa del Niño/legislación & jurisprudencia , Víctimas de Crimen/legislación & jurisprudenciaRESUMEN
El siguiente artículo es un informe de investigación que expone el diseño metodológico de una serie de indicadores que permiten establecer el estado del Goce Efectivo de Derechos (GED) de la población en situación de desplazamiento en el departamento de Antioquia. El informe GED fue realizado a partir de mandatos emanados de la Corte Constitucional colombiana en aras de la superación del estado de cosas inconstitucional de la atención de la población víctima del desplazamiento. En el artículo, el segundo de una serie de cuatro entregas, se expondrá tanto el diseño como la medición de tres indicadores: derecho a la vida, derecho a una vivienda digna y derecho a la identidad de la población estudiada.
The following article is a research report that exposes the methodological design in a series of indicators that allow you to set the state of the Effective Enjoyment of Rights (EER) of the population in situation of displacement in the State of Antioquia. The EER report was made from mandates arising from the Colombian Constitutional Court in the interest of the overcoming of the unconstitutional state of affairs for the attention of the population victim of displacement. In the article, the second in a series of four issues, both the design and the measurement of three indicators will be exposed: right to life, the right to decent housing, and right to identity of the studied population.
Asunto(s)
Humanos , Víctimas de Crimen , Identificación de Víctimas , Víctimas de Crimen/economía , Víctimas de Crimen/educación , Víctimas de Crimen/estadística & datos numéricos , Víctimas de Crimen/legislación & jurisprudencia , Víctimas de Crimen/psicología , Víctimas de Crimen/rehabilitaciónRESUMEN
BACKGROUND: violence against women is a serious problem caused by the social construction of feminineness and masculineness that results in the domination of women by men. Public policies on gender have recently been developed in order to confront the problem. But what exactly are the problems faced by women? PURPOSES: to survey and analyse cases of violence against women reported to the police, as recorded at the Police Stations for Women's Defence (PSWDs), and to reconstruct the procedures that women must go through in order to denounce their aggressors. METHODOLOGY: this quantitative, exploratory and descriptive study was undertaken during 2006-2007 in the city of Itapevi, São Paulo metropolitan region, Brazil. As there is no PSWD data were collected from police reports from PSWDs of neighbouring cities. FINDINGS: malicious physical injury (49%) and threats (42%) were the most commonly reported types of violence. The victims were aged between 20 and 49 years (93%). Almost all of the aggressors (97%) were men and most had an intimate relationship with their victim. The use of alcoholic beverages was linked to approximately 25% of the cases. CONCLUSION: women who are victims of domestic violence in Itapevi report that going through PSWDs of neighbouring cities is a difficult, isolated, long and expensive process that often, provides no institutional protection. IMPLICATIONS FOR PRACTICE: there is an urgent requirement for judicial-assistance and support close to home in order to provide a quality service and follow-up for these women and their aggressors; to provide training for the professionals called to attend them at police stations; and for a caring attitude from health-care professionals.
Asunto(s)
Mujeres Maltratadas/estadística & datos numéricos , Víctimas de Crimen/estadística & datos numéricos , Policia , Maltrato Conyugal/estadística & datos numéricos , Población Urbana/estadística & datos numéricos , Adulto , Mujeres Maltratadas/legislación & jurisprudencia , Brasil/epidemiología , Víctimas de Crimen/legislación & jurisprudencia , Femenino , Humanos , Relaciones Interpersonales , Masculino , Persona de Mediana Edad , Factores de Riesgo , Delitos Sexuales/estadística & datos numéricos , Parejas Sexuales , Percepción Social , Maltrato Conyugal/legislación & jurisprudencia , Salud de la Mujer , Adulto JovenRESUMEN
In this article, I argue that the practice of forced disappearance of persons on the part of paramilitary groups has become linked to specific processes of globalization. Global flows related to biopolitics, global crime networks, and dehumanizing imaginations reproduced by mass media together constitute a driving force behind forced disappearances. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork in the Colombian city of Medellín, I analyze how these global flows interact with local armed actors, helping create a climate conducive to forced disappearance. These mechanisms in Colombia show similarities to those in some African and Asian countries. Gaining insight into the mechanisms behind forced disappearance may help prevent it from occurring in the future. Enhancing social inclusion of residents, unraveling the transnational crime networks in which perpetrators are involved, and disseminating rehumanizing images of victims all contribute to curbing the practice of forced disappearance.
Asunto(s)
Víctimas de Crimen , Deshumanización , Violaciones de los Derechos Humanos , Personal Militar , Controles Informales de la Sociedad , Aislamiento Social , Colombia/etnología , Víctimas de Crimen/economía , Víctimas de Crimen/educación , Víctimas de Crimen/historia , Víctimas de Crimen/legislación & jurisprudencia , Víctimas de Crimen/psicología , Criminales/educación , Criminales/historia , Criminales/legislación & jurisprudencia , Criminales/psicología , Historia del Siglo XX , Historia del Siglo XXI , Violaciones de los Derechos Humanos/economía , Violaciones de los Derechos Humanos/etnología , Violaciones de los Derechos Humanos/historia , Violaciones de los Derechos Humanos/legislación & jurisprudencia , Violaciones de los Derechos Humanos/psicología , Personal Militar/educación , Personal Militar/historia , Personal Militar/legislación & jurisprudencia , Personal Militar/psicología , Cambio Social/historia , Controles Informales de la Sociedad/historia , Aislamiento Social/psicologíaRESUMEN
The response of youth gangs to "zero tolerance" policing in Honduras are examined with respect to territoriality. Focusing on two main gangs, the Mara Salvatrucha and the 18th Street Gang, the ways in which state authority is challenged are assessed from an analysis of body territoriality, the respatialisation of organisational structures across urban neighbourhoods, and the production of new enclosed spaces of gang territoriality. These redefinitions of group territoriality strengthen the emotional bonds and sense of belonging towards the gang, enabling the emergence of a transnational/imagined community.
Asunto(s)
Criminales , Rol Judicial , Grupo Paritario , Castigo , Identificación Social , Violencia , Crimen/economía , Crimen/etnología , Crimen/historia , Crimen/legislación & jurisprudencia , Crimen/psicología , Víctimas de Crimen/economía , Víctimas de Crimen/educación , Víctimas de Crimen/historia , Víctimas de Crimen/legislación & jurisprudencia , Víctimas de Crimen/psicología , Criminales/educación , Criminales/historia , Criminales/legislación & jurisprudencia , Criminales/psicología , Historia del Siglo XX , Historia del Siglo XXI , Honduras/etnología , Humanos , Rol Judicial/historia , Política Pública/economía , Política Pública/historia , Política Pública/legislación & jurisprudencia , Castigo/historia , Castigo/psicología , Características de la Residencia , Salud Urbana/historia , Población Urbana/historia , Violencia/economía , Violencia/etnología , Violencia/historia , Violencia/legislación & jurisprudencia , Violencia/psicología , Adulto JovenRESUMEN
Gregorio Cárdenas Hernández was Mexico's most infamous serial killer. After he confessed to killing four young women and burying them behind his home, he became the darling of the crime pages and criminological experts alike, and his case provoked a lively debate over the reinstatement of the death penalty in congress. The following essay uses his story, the policy debates it provoked, and his broader institutional odyssey in La Castañeda mental asylum (19431947) and Lecumberri prison (19481976) to explore how issues that affected Mexicans across the social spectrum were discussed and settled in a political system that was neither a dictatorship nor a democracy.