Rape Stereotype Acceptance in the General Population of England and Wales.

The #MeToo movement has facilitated a growing awareness in the UK of rape stereotypes but there has been little research on how accurately rape is perceived in this region, especially regarding demographics such as ethnicity and age. This study recruited 1000 participants, representative of the UK population, to complete an online survey prompting beliefs about rape perpetrators, rape victims, rape allegations, male rape, and motives for and consequences of rape. After carrying out frequency analyses on agree-incorrect and disagree-incorrect statements, we found that, generally, accuracy was high, although there were higher levels of stereotype acceptance for perpetrator related stereotypes. Further analysis found that in terms of demographic differences, Black and Asian participants and men were significantly more likely to accept stereotypes than other demographic groups. Implications for policy and practice are discussed, including potential for jury education, and educational media campaigns aimed at the demographics most likely to accept stereotypes.

Lawyers' Question Repetition and Children's Responses in Scottish Criminal Courts.

This study examined the effects of repeated questions (n = 7,968) on fifty-six 5- to 17-year-olds' testimony in child sexual abuse cases in Scottish criminal courts. We examined transcripts of direct- and cross-examinations, categorizing how lawyers asked repeated questions in court and how children responded. Defense lawyers repeated more questions (39.6% of all questions asked) than prosecutors (30.6%) and repeated questions using more suggestive prompts (52% of their repeated questions) than prosecutors (18%) did. In response, children typically repeated or elaborated on their answers and seldom contradicted themselves. Self-contradictions were most often elicited by repeated suggestive prompts posed by defense lawyers. Younger children were asked more repeated questions than older children, but child age was not associated with the types of questions repeated or with how children responded to repetition. Questions repeated after delays elicited more self-contradictions than questions repeated immediately. Most repeated questions (69.2%) were repeated more than once, yet no "asked-and-answered" objections were ever raised. Overall, the findings suggested that lawyers frequently ask children "risky" repeated questions. Official judicial guidance and training is needed to help identify and limit the inappropriate repetition of questions.

The Productivity of Wh- Prompts in Child Forensic Interviews.

Child witnesses are often asked wh- prompts (what, how, why, who, when, where) in forensic interviews. However, little research has examined the ways in which children respond to different wh- prompts, and no previous research has investigated productivity differences among wh- prompts in investigative interviews. This study examined the use and productivity of wh- prompts in 95 transcripts of 4- to 13-year-olds alleging sexual abuse in child investigative interviews. What-how questions about actions elicited the most productive responses during both the rapport building and substantive phases. Future research and practitioner training should consider distinguishing among different wh- prompts.

Children's Uncertain Responses when Testifying about Alleged Sexual Abuse in Scottish Courts.

This study examined the uncertain responses of 56 alleged sexual abuse victims, aged 5-17 years, testifying in Scottish criminal court trials. Don't know/remember ground rules were explained to 38% of the children and each child reported uncertainty in response to 15% of the questions on average. Uncertain responding was associated with expressions of resistance and confusion, questioning context (proportionally more regarding substantive than non-substantive issues), question content (least to disclosure-focused questions), utterance type (more to directives, particularly those posed by defense lawyers; more to recall-based than recognition prompts), and age (children in mid-adolescence were less likely to respond uncertainly than those who were either older or younger). There were no associations between expressions of uncertainty and ground rule administration, or with whether or not the question focused on central rather than peripheral details about the alleged crimes. Findings highlight concerns surrounding preparatory procedures to help witnesses, especially adolescents, indicate uncertainty when testifying. Copyright © 2017 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

The structural linguistic complexity of lawyers' questions and children's responses in Scottish criminal courts.

In the first study to systematically assess the structural linguistic complexity of lawyers' questions of children in Scotland, we examined 56 trial transcripts of 5- to 17-year-old children testifying as alleged victims of sexual abuse. Complexity was assessed using 8 quantitative measures of each utterance's components (number of questions, phrases, clauses, sentences, false starts, average word count, word length, and sentence length) and a composite measure was used in the analyses. Lawyers did not alter the complexity of questions when prompting children of different ages. Defense lawyers asked more structurally complex questions than prosecutors. Directive questions were the least structurally complex questions, followed by option-posing questions. Suggestive questions, followed by invitations, were the most structurally complex questions. Option-posing and suggestive questions were more complex when asked by defense lawyers than prosecutors. Of suggestive questions, confrontation and tagged questions were more complex than any other question type. Increased structural complexity led to more unresponsiveness, more expressions of uncertainty, and more self-contradictions regardless of which lawyer asked, the question type, or the children's ages. These findings highlight the additional risks associated with asking some types of questions in structurally complex ways and highlight the need for further innovations (e.g., the use of intermediaries) to facilitate the questioning of vulnerable witnesses in Scottish criminal courts.

Challenging the Credibility of Alleged Victims of Child Sexual Abuse in Scottish Courts.

This study examined the effects of credibility-challenging questions (n = 2,729) on 62 5- to 17-year-olds' testimony in child sexual abuse cases in Scotland by categorizing the type, source, and content of the credibility-challenging questions defense lawyers asked and assessing how children responded. Credibility-challenging questions comprised 14.9% of all questions asked during cross-examination. Of defense lawyers' credibility-challenging questions, 77.8% focused generally on children's honesty, whereas the remainder referred to specific inconsistencies in the children's testimony. Children resisted credibility challenges 54% of the time, significantly more often than they provided compliant responses (26.8%). The tendency to resist was significantly lower for questions focused on specific rather than general inconsistencies, and peripheral rather than central content. Overall, children resisted credibility challenges more often when the aim and content of the question could be understood easily. As this was a field study, the accuracy of children's responses could not be assessed. The findings suggest that credibility-challenging questions that place unrealistic demands on children's memory capacities (e.g., questions focused on peripheral content or highly specific details) occur frequently, and that juries should be made aware of the disproportionate effects of such questioning on the consistency of children's testimony.

The effects of question repetition on responses when prosecutors and defense attorneys question children alleging sexual abuse in court.

This study examined the effects of repeated questions (n = 12,169) on 6- to 12-year-olds' testimony in child sexual abuse cases. We examined transcripts of direct- and cross-examinations of 120 children, categorizing how attorneys asked repeated questions in-court and how children responded. Defense attorneys repeated more questions (33.6% of total questions asked) than prosecutors (17.8%) and repeated questions using more suggestive prompts (38% of their repeated questions) than prosecutors (15%). In response, children typically repeated or elaborated on their answers and seldom contradicted themselves. Self-contradictions were most often elicited by suggestive and option-posing prompts posed by either type of attorney. Child age did not affect the numbers of questions repeated, the types of prompts used by attorneys to repeat questions, or how children responded to repetition. Most (61.5%) repeated questions were repeated more than once and, as repetition frequency increased, so did the number of self-contradictions. "Asked-and-answered" objections were rarely raised (n = 45) and were more likely to be overruled than sustained by judges. Findings suggest that attorneys frequently ask children "risky" repeated questions. Both attorneys and the judiciary need more training in identifying and restricting the unnecessary repetition of questions.

The effects of age and delay on responses to repeated questions in forensic interviews with children alleging sexual abuse.

We examined transcripts of forensic interviews with 115 children aged between 3 and 12 years, interviewed between 1 day and 18 months after allegedly experiencing a single incident of sexual abuse. Repeated questions were categorized with respect to the reasons why interviewers asked questions again, how interviewers asked repeated questions, and how children responded. On average, interviewers asked 3 repeated questions per interview. As age increased, the frequency of question repetition declined but there was no association between repetition and delay. Interviewers most often repeated questions for clarification (53.1%), but questions were also repeated frequently to challenge children's previous responses (23.7%), and for no apparent reason (20.1%). In response, children typically repeated (54.1%) or elaborated on (31.5%) their previous answers; they contradicted themselves less often (10.8%). Questions repeated using suggestive prompts were more likely to elicit contradictions. There was no association between age or delay and the reasons why questions were repeated, how they were repeated, and how children responded. These findings emphasize the importance of training forensic interviewers to repeat questions only when the children or interviewers seek clarification and to encourage children who are anxious or reluctant to disclose. All repeated questions should be open-ended and interviewers should explain to children why questions are being repeated.