Mine, yours, ours, or no one's? Homeownership arrangements among cohabiting and married couples.

Multiple studies examine how couples organize their economic resources, but most focus on wages, with little attention to assets. This paper helps to fill this research gap in Québec (Canada) by asking what proportion of married and cohabiting different-sex couples of working age jointly own their primary residence, instead of remaining in more independent arrangements regarding this asset-either through individual ownership of the home by the man or the woman or by not owning one at all. Also, drawing on transaction cost and institutional approaches to economic organization, we explore variation on several relationship characteristics. Individual ownership is uncommon, especially by the woman, but it is more prevalent among couples with little time together and who do not have children. Individual ownership is also more common among income-unequal couples than equal ones, because, we argue, it allows primary earners to cover housing costs without transferring wealth. Those results advance knowledge on both within-household wealth inequality and conjugal redistributive practices.

De nombreuses études examinent la façon dont les couples organisent leurs ressources économiques, mais la plupart d'entre elles se concentrent sur les salaires, et accordent peu d'attention aux actifs. Cet article comble cette lacune dans le contexte du Québec (Canada), en abordant la question suivante : dans quelle proportion les couples mariés et en union de fait de sexes différents et en âge de travailler sont-ils conjointement propriétaires de leur résidence principale? Et dans quelle proportion optent-ils plutôt pour un arrangement offrant davantage d'indépendance, par exemple la propriété individuelle de la maison par l'un des partenaires ou encore la location de la résidence plutôt que sa propriété? De plus, en nous appuyant sur les théories transactionnelles et institutionnelles de l'organisation économique conjugale, nous explorons la variation des arrangements en fonction de plusieurs caractéristiques des couples. La propriété individuelle par l'un des conjoints est peu commune, surtout par la femme, mais elle est plus répandue chez les couples en début de relation et chez ceux qui n'ont pas d'enfants. La propriété individuelle est également plus commune chez les couples à revenus inégaux, car cet arrangement permet à la personne gagnant leplus haut revenu de couvrir les coûts d'habitation sans transférer de richesse à l'autre partenaire. Ces résultats font progresser les connaissances sur les inégalités de richesse au sein des ménages et sur les pratiques de redistribution conjugale.

[Decision of institutionalizing an elderly parent suffering from cognitive impairments]. / L'hébergement institutionnel d'un parent âgé ayant des pertes cognitives

This study examines the decision of institutionalizing an elderly parent suffering from cognitive impairments and the various people involved in this process: the elderly person, the informal caregiver, certain family members and health and social service professionals. Based on a qualitative analysis of interviews conducted with 16 elderly people and their family networks, this study reveals the importance of considering the point of view of everyone involved. The results show that one of the main reasons behind the decision to institutionalize an elderly person is the appearance of disturbing behaviours related to his or her cognitive impairments. Diverse strategies used by family members and health and social service professionals in order to bring about the institutionalization of an elderly person when he or she is opposed to it are presented as well as the ethical dilemmas this raises. We conclude with a presentation of research and intervention recommendations.

Families' values and attitudes regarding responsibility for the frail elderly: implications for aging policy.

This study examines the norms and values associated with care to disabled and frail aging parents, in particular those with regard to the sharing of responsibilities for care between families and formal services, and this within three age cohorts in Quebec, Canada. It is based on a telephone interview of 1,315 people. Factor analysis yielded four factors: (1) family responsibility; (2) uncompromising family obligations; (3) acceptance of services; (4) distrust of services. Analyses of the data indicate that all three age cohorts consider that families have responsibilities for their aging family members, at the same time that they score very high on the acceptance of service scale. This article discusses these seemingly paradoxical results and their implications for aging policy.