How ancestral subsistence strategies solve salmon starvation and the "protein problem" of Pacific Rim resources.

This article provides a theoretical treatment of hunter-gatherer diet and physiology. Through a synthesis of nutritional studies, informed by ethno-archaeological data, we examine the risk of protein-rich diets for human survival, and how societies circumvent "salmon starvation" in the northeastern Pacific Rim. Fundamental nutritional constraints associated with salmon storage and consumption counter long-standing assumptions about the engine of cultural evolution in the region. Excess consumption of lean meat can lead to protein poisoning, termed by early explorers "rabbit starvation." While consumption of fats and carbohydrates is widely portrayed as a pathway to "offsetting" protein thresholds, there are true limits to the amount of protein individuals can consume, and constraints are most extreme for smaller individuals, children, and pregnant/nursing mothers. While this problem is not usually perceived as associated with fish, the risk of protein poisoning limits the amount of low-fat fish that people can eat safely. Compared with smaller, mass-harvested species (e.g., eulachon), dried salmon are exceedingly lean. Under certain circumstances fattier foods (small forage fish, marine mammals, whales, and even bears) or carbohydrate-rich plants may have been preferred not just for taste but to circumvent this "dietary protein ceiling." Simply put, "salmon specialization" cannot evolve without access to complimentary caloric energy through fat-rich or carbohydrate-rich resources. By extension, the evolution of storage-based societies requires this problem be solved prior to or in tandem with-salmon intensification. Without such solutions, increased mortality and reproductive rates would have made salmon reliance unsustainable. This insight is in line with genomic research suggesting protein toxicity avoidance was a powerful evolutionary force, possibly linked to genetic adaptations among First Americans. It is also relevant to evaluating the plausibility of other purportedly "focal" economies and informs understanding of the many solutions varied global societies have engineered to overcome physiological protein limits.

Effects of the bow on social organization in Western North America.

The bow more than doubled, likely tripled, the success of individuals bent on killing animal or human targets (Box ). The advent of this revolutionary technology generated different responses in western North America depending on subsistence and sociopolitical organization at the time of its arrival, roughly 2300 - 1300 B.P. Its effect was substantial in California and the Great Basin, particularly on group size, which in many places diminished as a consequence of the bow's reliability. The counter-intuitive result was to increase within group-relatedness enough to encourage intensification of plant resources, previously considered too costly. The bow rose to greatest direct economic importance with the arrival of the horse, and was put to most effective use by former Great Basin groups who maintained the family band system that had developed around intensive Great Basin plant procurement, adapting the same organization to a lifestyle centered on the equestrian pursuit of buffalo and warfare.

Cultural innovations and demographic change.

Demography plays a large role in cultural evolution through its effects on the effective rate of innovation. If we assume that useful inventions are rare, then small isolated societies will have low rates of invention. In small populations, complex technology will tend to be lost as a result of random loss or incomplete transmission (the Tasmanian effect). Large populations have more inventors and are more resistant to loss by chance. If human populations can grow freely, then a population-technology-population positive feedback should occur such that human societies reach a stable growth path on which the rate of growth of technology is limited by the rate of invention. This scenario fits the Holocene to a first approximation, but the late Pleistocene is a great puzzle. Large-brained hominins existed in Africa and west Eurasia for perhaps 150,000 years with, at best, slow rates of technical innovation. The most sophisticated societies of the last glacial period appear after 50,000 years ago and were apparently restricted to west and north-central Eurasia and North Africa. These patterns have no simple, commonly accepted explanation. We argue that increased high-frequency climate change around 70,000-50,000 years ago may have tipped the balance between humans and their competitor-predators, such as lions and wolves, in favor of humans. At the same time, technically sophisticated hunters would tend to overharvest their prey. Perhaps the ephemeral appearance of complex tools and symbolic artifacts in Africa after 100,000 years ago resulted from hunting inventions that allowed human populations to expand temporarily before prey overexploitation led to human population and technology collapse. Sustained human populations of moderate size using distinctively advanced Upper Paleolithic artifacts may have existed in west Eurasia because cold, continental northeastern Eurasia-Beringia acted as a protected reserve for prey populations.

Agricultural origins and the isotopic identity of domestication in northern China.

Stable isotope biochemistry (delta(13)C and delta(15)N) and radiocarbon dating of ancient human and animal bone document 2 distinct phases of plant and animal domestication at the Dadiwan site in northwest China. The first was brief and nonintensive: at various times between 7900 and 7200 calendar years before present (calBP) people harvested and stored enough broomcorn millet (Panicum miliaceum) to provision themselves and their hunting dogs (Canis sp.) throughout the year. The second, much more intensive phase was in place by 5900 calBP: during this time both broomcorn and foxtail (Setaria viridis spp. italica) millets were cultivated and made significant contributions to the diets of people, dogs, and pigs (Sus sp.). The systems represented in both phases developed elsewhere: the earlier, low-intensity domestic relationship emerged with hunter-gatherers in the arid north, while the more intensive, later one evolved further east and arrived at Dadiwan with the Yangshao Neolithic. The stable isotope methodology used here is probably the best means of detecting the symbiotic human-plant-animal linkages that develop during the very earliest phases of domestication and is thus applicable to the areas where these connections first emerged and are critical to explaining how and why agriculture began in East Asia.