Two Factors in Face Recognition: Whether You Know the Person's Face and Whether You Share the Person's Race.

One of the best-known phenomena in face recognition is the other-race effect, the observation that own-race faces are better remembered than other-race faces. However, previous studies have not put the magnitude of other-race effect in the context of other influences on face recognition. Here, we compared the effects of (a) a race manipulation (own-race/other-race face) and (b) a familiarity manipulation (familiar/unfamiliar face) in a 2 × 2 factorial design. We found that the familiarity effect was several times larger than the race effect in all performance measures. However, participants expected race to have a larger effect on others than it actually did. Face recognition accuracy depends much more on whether you know the person's face than whether you share the same race.

How many faces do people know?

Over our species history, humans have typically lived in small groups of under a hundred individuals. However, our face recognition abilities appear to equip us to recognize very many individuals, perhaps thousands. Modern society provides access to huge numbers of faces, but no one has established how many faces people actually know. Here, we describe a method for estimating this number. By combining separate measures of recall and recognition, we show that people know about 5000 faces on average and that individual differences are large. Our findings offer a possible explanation for large variation in identification performance. They also provide constraints on understanding the qualitative differences between perception of familiar and unfamiliar faces-a distinction that underlies all current theories of face recognition.

100% accuracy in automatic face recognition.

Accurate face recognition is critical for many security applications. Current automatic face-recognition systems are defeated by natural changes in lighting and pose, which often affect face images more profoundly than changes in identity. The only system that can reliably cope with such variability is a human observer who is familiar with the faces concerned. We modeled human familiarity by using image averaging to derive stable face representations from naturally varying photographs. This simple procedure increased the accuracy of an industry standard face-recognition algorithm from 54% to 100%, bringing the robust performance of a familiar human to an automated system.

Children and adults recall the names of highly familiar faces faster than semantic information.

Adults find it harder to remember the names of familiar people than other biographical information such as occupation or nationality. It has been suggested that the opposite effect occurs in children (Scanlan & Johnston, 1997). We failed to replicate the effects found by Scanlan and Johnston and instead found that children were slower to match a name than an occupation to a famous face (Experiment 1). In Experiments 2 and 3, however, we show a temporal advantage for names in both adults and children when highly familiar faces are used. This is the case for famous and personally known faces. These results show that the speed of name retrieval is influenced by familiarity in the same way in both children and adults and indicate that children do not represent knowledge for familiar people differently from adults. The implications of these results for current models of name retrieval difficulties are discussed.

Bereavement after caregiving or unexpected death: effects on elderly spouses.

Responses to bereavement have been shown to vary depending on whether death is expected or unexpected, and on the nature of family caregiving experiences, but little previous research has examined these factors simultaneously. To address these issues, we utilized prospective data on bereavement from 193 participants in the Changing Lives of Older Couples (CLOC) study, who were assessed both before their loss and at six and 18 months after the death. Participants who experienced either unexpected loss, or expected loss without caregiving, with low-stress caregiving, or with high-stress caregiving completed measures of psychological, social, and health functioning on each occasion. Results showed that unexpected death was associated with marked increases in depression, while the nature of caregiving did not affect the trajectory of any of the psychological well-being measures. All groups except highly stressed caregivers showed improvements in social activity and support after bereavement, suggesting that highly stressed caregivers may be at an increased risk for social isolation during bereavement. Thus experiencing an unexpected death may put bereaved spouses at risk for depression, while high-stress caregiving may lead to problems with social isolation.

Sequence learning by action and observation: evidence for separate mechanisms.

In the Serial Reaction Time (SRT) task, participants respond to a set of stimuli the order of which is apparently random, but which consists of repeating sub-sequences. Participants can become sensitive to this regularity, as measured by an indirect test of reaction time, but can remain apparently unaware of the sequence, as measured by direct tests of prediction or recognition. Some researchers have claimed that this learning may take place by observation alone. We suggest that observational learning may be due to explicit acquired knowledge of the sequence, and is not mediated by the same processes which give rise to learning by action. In Expt 1, we show that it is very difficult to acquire explicit sequence knowledge under dual task conditions, even when participants are told that a regular sequence exists. In Expt 2, we use the same conditions to compare actors, who respond to the sequence during learning, and observers, who merely watch the stimuli. Furthermore, we manipulate the salience of the sequence, in order to encourage learning. There is no evidence of observational learning in these conditions, despite the usual effects of learning being demonstrated by actors. In Expt 3, we show that observational learning does occur, but only when observers have no secondary task and even then only reliably for a sequence which has been made salient by chunking subcomponents. We conclude that sequence learning by observation is mediated by explicit processes, and is eliminated under conditions which support learning by action, but make it difficult to acquire explicit knowledge.

Human and automatic face recognition: a comparison across image formats.

Human subjects perform poorly at matching different images of unfamiliar faces. When images are taken by different capture devices (cameras), matching is difficult for human perceivers and also for automatic systems. We test an automatic face recognition system based on principal components analysis (PCA) and compare its performance with that of human subjects tested on the same set of images. A number of variants of the PCA system are compared, using different matching metrics and different numbers of components. PCA performance critically depends on the choice of distance metric, with a Mahalanobis metric consistently outperforming a Euclidean metric. Under optimal conditions, the automatic PCA system exceeds human performance on the same images. We hypothesise that unfamiliar face recognition may be mediated by processes corresponding to rather simple functions of the inputs.

Matching identities of familiar and unfamiliar faces caught on CCTV images.

People can be inaccurate at matching unfamiliar faces shown in high-quality video images, even when viewpoint and facial expressions are closely matched. However, identification of highly familiar faces appears good, even when video quality is poor. Experiment 1 reported a direct comparison between familiar and unfamiliar faces. Participants who were personally familiar with target items appearing on video were highly accurate at a verification task. Unfamiliar participants doing the same task performed very inaccurately. Familiarity affected discriminability, but not bias. Experiments 2 and 3 showed that brief periods of familiarization have little beneficial effect unless "deep" or "social" processing is encouraged. The results show that video evidence can be used effectively as a probe to identity when the faces shown are highly familiar to observers, but caution should be used where images of unfamiliar people are being compared.

Learning complex sequences: no role for observation?

Two experiments examined performance in a sequence learning task. Participants were trained on a repeating sequence which was presented as a visual display and learning was measured via the increase in reaction time to respond to a new sequence. Some participants made a response to each stimulus while others merely observed the sequence. In Experiment 1 participants responding to the display via a keypress showed learning, but those merely observing did not. Five possible reasons for the failure to find observational learning were considered and the Experiment 2 attempted to resolve these. This second experiment confirmed the findings of Experiment 1 in a non-spatial sequence display using a cover story which encouraged attention to the display but not rule-search strategies. The results are discussed in relation to applied and theoretical aspects of implicit learning.

Priming the access to names of famous faces.

There is a continuing controversy in models of face identification concerning the level of access to names relative to semantic information. In order to determine whether names are accessed sequentially after or in parallel to semantic information, we studied participants' speeded decisions about famous faces that were primed by partial semantic or partial name information. Decisions that required the access to the celebrity's name (one or more forename syllables, Expt 1) were significantly primed by partial name primes (initials or name fragments). However, at variance with sequential stage models, no reliable priming was observed by partial semantic primes (information about nationality, occupation, or whether a person was dead or alive). Moreover, there was a clear and consistent priming effect by partial semantic primes if the task was a nationality (British or American) decision that required the access to semantic information (Expt 2), demonstrating the effectiveness of these primes. The effects of partial name primes on nationality decisions were less consistent, with a significant effect for name fragments but not initials. However, effects of name primes were generally greater for syllable decisions than nationality decisions, and effects of semantic primes were generally greater for nationality decisions than syllable decisions. Taken together, these results favour a model of parallel rather than sequential access and suggest some degree of independence in the access to personal semantics and names.

A principal component analysis of facial expressions.

Pictures of facial expressions from the Ekman and Friesen set (Ekman, P., Friesen, W. V., (1976). Pictures of facial affect. Palo Alto, California: Consulting Psychologists Press) were submitted to a principal component analysis (PCA) of their pixel intensities. The output of the PCA was submitted to a series of linear discriminant analyses which revealed three principal findings: (1) a PCA-based system can support facial expression recognition, (2) continuous two-dimensional models of emotion (e.g. Russell, J. A. (1980). A circumplex model of affect. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 39, 1161-1178) are reflected in the statistical structure of the Ekman and Friesen facial expressions, and (3) components for coding facial expression information are largely different to components for facial identity information. The implications for models of face processing are discussed.

Incidental learning of real-world regularities.

The large literature on incidental learning relies almost exclusively on laboratory experiments. Whenever researchers have attempted to demonstrate incidental learning of real-world regularities, they have typically failed to show learning. For example, it is well established that people do not learn regularities in everyday objects, such as the left-right orientation of faces on coins, despite a very large exposure to them. In this report, we examine this apparent contradiction. We argue that most studies exploring real-life incidental learning use tests that are not as sensitive to low-confidence information as those traditionally used in laboratory tasks. Using more sensitive measures, we show that it is possible to learn regularities from British and Japanese cultural life as a direct result of exposure to these regularities. Further, confidence measures suggest that although the information may be acquired incidentally, it can be expressed with and without concomitant awareness of that knowledge.

Semantic priming of person recognition: categorial priming may be a weaker form of the associative priming effect.

An interactive activation and competition account (Burton, Bruce, & Johnston, 1990) of the semantic priming effect in person recognition studies relies on the fact that primes and targets (people) have semantic information in common. However, recent investigations into the type of relationship needed to mediate the semantic priming effect have suggested that the prime and target must be close associates (e.g., Barry, Johnston, & Scanlan, 1998; Young, Flude, Hellawell, & Ellis, 1994). A review of these and similar papers suggests the possibility of a small but non-reliable effect based purely on categorial relationships. Experiment 1 provided evidence that when participants were asked to make a name familiarity decision it was possible to boost this small categorial effect when multiple (four) primes were presented prior to the target name. Results from Experiment 2 indicated that the categorial effect was not due to the particular presentation times of the primes. This boosted categorial effect was shown to cross domains (names to faces) in Experiment 3 and persist in Experiment 4 when the task involved naming the target face. The similarity of the pattern of results produced by the associative priming effect and this boosted categorial effect suggests that the two may be due to the same underlying mechanism in semantic memory.

Covert face recognition in neurologically intact participants.

Prosopagnosic patients may maintain some ability to recognize familiar faces, although they remain unaware of this ability. This phenomenon--called covert face recognition--was investigated in neurologically intact participants, using priming techniques. Participants were quicker to indicate that a target-name was familiar when the preceding prime-face belonged to the same person compared with an unrelated familiar person. This was observed both when prime-faces could be recognized overtly and when they were presented too briefly to be recognized overtly (Exps. 1 and 2). Thus, covert face recognition was observed in neurologically intact participants. In Exp. 3, participants were quicker to recognize a familiar face when that person's face had been seen previously, but only when it had been recognized overtly on the first encounter. These results are interpreted within the framework of an interactive activation model of face recognition.

Perceptual priming is not a necessary consequence of semantic classification of pictures.

Four experiments investigated how repetition priming of object recognition is affected by the task performed in the prime and test phases. In Experiment 1 object recognition was tested using both vocal naming and two different semantic decision tasks (whether or not objects were manufactured, and whether or not they would be found inside the house). Some aspects of the data were inconsistent with contemporary models of object recognition. Specifically, object priming was eliminated with some combinations of prime and test tasks, and there was no evidence of perceptual (as opposed to conceptual or response) priming in either semantic classification task, even though perceptual identification of the objects is required for at least one of these tasks. Experiment 2 showed that even when perceptual demands were increased by brief presentation, the inside task showed no perceptual priming. Experiment 3 showed that the inside task did not appear to be based on conceptual priming either, as it was not primed significantly when the prime decisions were made to object labels. Experiment 4 showed that visual sensitivity could be restored to the inside task following practice on the task, supporting the suggestion that a critical factor is whether the semantic category is preformed or must be computed. The results show that the visual representational processes revealed by object priming depend crucially on the task chosen.

Asymmetric dependencies in perceiving identity and emotion: experiments with morphed faces.

We investigated whether an asymmetric relationship between the perception of identity and emotional expressions in faces (Schweinberger & Soukup, 1998) may be related to differences in the relative processing speed of identity and expression information. Stimulus faces were morphed across identity within a given emotional expression, or were morphed across emotion within a given identity. In Experiment 1, consistent classifications of these images were demonstrated across a wide range of morphing, with only a relatively narrow category boundary. At the same time, classification reaction times (RTs) reflected the increased perceptual difficulty of the morphed images. In Experiment 2, we investigated the effects of variations in the irrelevant dimension on judgments of faces with respect to a relevant dimension, using a Garner-type speeded classification task. RTs for expression classifications were strongly influenced by irrelevant identity information. In contrast, RTs for identity classifications were unaffected by irrelevant expression information, and this held even for stimuli in which identity was more difficult and slower to discriminate than expression. This suggests that differences in processing speed cannot account for the asymmetric relationship between identity and emotion perception. Theoretical accounts proposing independence of identity and emotion perception are discussed in the light of these findings.

Lighting direction affects recognition of untextured faces in photographic positive and negative.

Face recognition in photographic positive and negative was examined in a same/different matching task in five lighting direction conditions using untextured 3-D laser-scanned faces. The lighting directions were +60, +30, 0, -30 and -60 degrees, where negative values represent bottom lighting and positive values represent top lighting. Recognition performance was better for faces in positive than in negative when lighting directions were at +60 degrees. In one experiment, the same effect was also found at +30 degrees. However, faces in negative were recognized better than positive when the direction was -60 degrees. There was no difference in recognition performance when the lighting direction was 0 and -30 degrees. These results confirm that the effect of lighting direction can be a determinant of the photographic negative effect. Positive faces, which normally appear to be top-lit, may be difficult to recognize in negative partly because of the accompanying change in apparent lighting direction to bottom-lit.

Prime time advertisements: repetition priming from faces seen on subject recruitment posters.

Repetition priming is defined as a gain in item recognition after previous exposure. Repetition priming of face recognition has been shown to last for several months, despite contamination by everyday exposure to both experimental and control faces in the interval. Here we show that gains in face recognition in the laboratory are found from faces initially seen in a rather different context--on subject recruitment posters, even when the advertisements make no specific mention of experiments involving face recognition. The priming was greatest when identical pictures were shown in the posters and in the test phase, although different views of faces did give significant priming in one study. Follow-up studies revealed poor explicit memory for the faces shown on the posters. The results of these experiments are used to develop a model in which repetition priming reflects the process of updating representations of familiar faces.

Investigating the relation between imagery and perception: evidence from face priming.

The relation between imagery and perception was investigated in face priming. Two experiments are reported in which subjects either saw or imagined the faces of celebrities. They were later given a speeded perceptual test (familiarity judgement to pictures of celebrities) or a speeded imagery test (in which they were told the names of celebrities and asked to make a decision about their appearance). Seeing faces primed the perceptual test, and imaging faces primed the imagery test; however, there was no priming between seeing and imaging faces. These results show that perception and imagery can be dissociated in normal subjects. In two further experiments, we examined the effects of imaging faces on a subsequent face-naming task and on a task requiring familiarity judgements to partial faces. Both these tasks were facilitated by prior imaging of faces. These results are discussed in relation to those of McDermott & Roediger (1994), who found that imagery promoted object priming in a perceptual test involving naming partial line drawings. The implications for models of face recognition are also discussed.