Sexualized Violence and Neoliberal Discourse.

Researchers have paid relatively little attention to the role that sexual and gender violence play in reinforcing neoliberal discourse. We address this issue by demonstrating that the portrayal of women and girls in the mainstream media, female body practices based on this portrayal, gendered sexual-agency norms, sexual harassment, and rape are not only sexualized and violent, but they also display a common set of cultural scripts drawn from both patriarchal and neoliberal discourse. We thus conclude that these images, practices, and norms are forms of sexualized violence that reinforce patriarchal and neoliberal discourse and, thus, the gender and class orders.

The Role of Toll-like Receptors in Atherothrombotic Cardiovascular Disease.

Toll-like receptors (TLRs) are dominant components of the innate immune system. Activated by both pathogen-associated molecular patterns and damage-associated molecular patterns, TLRs underpin the pathology of numerous inflammation related diseases that include not only immune diseases, but also cardiovascular disease (CVD), diabetes, obesity, and cancers. Growing evidence has demonstrated that TLRs are involved in multiple cardiovascular pathophysiologies, such as atherosclerosis and hypertension. Specifically, a trial called the Canakinumab Anti-inflammatory Thrombosis Outcomes Study showed the use of an antibody that neutralizes interleukin-1ß, reduces the recurrence of cardiovascular events, demonstrating inflammation as a therapeutic target and also the research value of targeting the TLR system in CVD. In this review, we provide an update of the interplay between TLR signaling, inflammatory mediators, and atherothrombosis, with an aim to identify new therapeutic targets for atherothrombotic CVD.

Family Structure, Residential Mobility, and Environmental Inequality.

This study combines micro-level data on families with children from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics with neighborhood-level industrial hazard data from the Environmental Protection Agency and neighborhood-level U.S. census data to examine both the association between family structure and residential proximity to neighborhood pollution and the micro-level, residential mobility processes that contribute to differential pollution proximity across family types. Results indicate the existence of significant family structure differences in household proximity to industrial pollution in U.S. metropolitan areas between 1990 and 1999, with single-mother and single-father families experiencing neighborhood pollution levels that are on average 46% and 26% greater, respectively, than those experienced by two-parent families. Moreover, the pollution gap between single-mother and two-parent families persists with controls for household and neighborhood socioeconomic, sociodemographic, and race/ethnic characteristics. Examination of underlying migration patterns reveals that single-mother, single-father, and two-parent families are equally likely to move in response to pollution. However, mobile single-parent families move into neighborhoods with significantly higher pollution levels than do mobile two-parent families. Thus, family structure differences in pollution proximity are maintained more by these destination neighborhood differences than by family structure variations in the likelihood of moving out of polluted neighborhoods.

Unequal Trajectories: Racial and Class Differences in Residential Exposure to Industrial Hazard.

The unequal exposure to industrial hazards via differential residential attainment and/or differential sitings of toxic facilities is a long-standing environmental justice issue. This study examines individual trajectories of residential exposure to the risk of industrial hazard over nearly two decades. Using a latent class growth analysis on longitudinal geocoded data merged with the neighborhood-level pollution measures, we discover large racial differences in trajectories of pollution exposure. A majority of individuals are exposed to above-average pollution levels at some point during the study period, but blacks are more likely than whites to experience persistent exposure to high pollution. These differences are only partially explained by racial differences in suburban neighborhood attainment, socioeconomic status, and the frequency of inter-neighborhood moves. Immobile blacks also saw their exposure increase.

Interneighborhood migration, race, and environmental hazards: modeling microlevel processes of environmental inequality.

This study combines longitudinal individual-level data with neighborhood-level industrial hazard data to examine the extent and sources of environmental inequality. Results indicate that profound racial and ethnic differences in proximity to industrial pollution persist when differences in individual education, household income, and other microlevel characteristics are controlled. Examination of underlying migration patterns further reveals that black and Latino householders move into neighborhoods with significantly higher hazard levels than do comparable whites and that racial differences in proximity to neighborhood pollution are maintained more by these disparate mobility destinations than by differential effects of pollution on the decision to move.

Natural Resource Extraction, Armed Violence, and Environmental Degradation.

The goal of this article is to demonstrate that environmental sociologists cannot fully explain the relationship between humans and the natural world without theorizing a link between natural resource extraction, armed violence, and environmental degradation. The authors begin by arguing that armed violence is one of several overlapping mechanisms that provide powerful actors with the means to (a) prevail over others in conflicts over natural resources and (b) ensure that natural resources critical to industrial production and state power continue to be extracted and sold in sufficient quantities to promote capital accumulation, state power, and ecological unequal exchange. The authors then identify 10 minerals that are critical to the functioning of the U.S. economy and/or military and demonstrate that the extraction of these minerals often involves the use of armed violence. They further demonstrate that armed violence is associated with the activities of the world's three largest mining companies, with African mines that receive World Bank funding, and with petroleum and rainforest timber extraction. The authors conclude that the natural resource base on which industrial societies stand is constructed in large part through the use and threatened use of armed violence. As a result, armed violence plays a critical role in fostering environmental degradation and ecological unequal exchange.

Bringing the Polluters Back In: Environmental Inequality and the Organization of Chemical Production.

Environmental justice scholars have suggested that because chemical plants and other hazardous facilities emit more pollutants where they face the least resistance, disadvantaged communities face a special health risk. In trying to determine whether race or income has the bigger impact on a neighborhood's exposure to pollution, however, scholars tend to overlook the facilities themselves and the effect of their characteristics on emissions. In particular, how do the characteristics of facilities and their surrounding communities jointly shape pollution outcomes? We propose a new line of environmental justice research that focuses on facilities and how their features combine with communities' features to create dangerous emissions. Using novel fuzzy-set analysis techniques and the EPA's newly developed Risk-Screening Environmental Indicators, we test the influence of facility and community factors on chemical plants' health-threatening emissions. Contrary to the idea that community characteristics have singular, linear effects, findings show that facility and community factors combine in a variety of ways to produce risky emissions. We speculate that as chemical firms experiment with different ways of producing goods and externalizing pollution costs, new "recipes of risk" are likely to emerge. The question, then, will no longer be whether race or income matters most, but in which of these recipes do they matter and how.

Childhood Development and Access to Nature: A New Direction for Environmental Inequality Research.

Although environmental inequality researchers have increased our understanding of race- and class-based environmental inequality in many important ways, few environmental inequality studies ask whether children are disproportionately burdened by environmental pollution or whether poor and minority youth are less likely than their White and wealthier counterparts to spend time in green spaces and the natural world. This gap in the literature undermines the ability of researchers to fully understand and explain environmental inequality. To demonstrate the importance of filling this gap, the authors (a) highlight current research findings from the environmental health, environmental education, and environmental psychology literatures regarding the cognitive, emotional, and physical importance of childhood exposure to nature and (b) summarize the few existing studies that have examined class- and race-based inequalities in children's exposure to the natural world and industrial environmental hazards. The authors then suggest several avenues of research that would, if undertaken, significantly increase our understanding of youth-based environmental inequality. By synthesizing findings across multiple disciplines, the authors hope to convince environmental inequality researchers of the importance of investigating children's differential exposure to nature, green spaces, and industrial environmental hazards.

Proximate industrial activity and psychological distress.

This paper examines the role that gender, occupational status, and family status play in moderating the effect of industrial activity on the psychological well-being of nearby residents. Using a unique spatial assessment of industrial activity and an environmental risk/social stressor framework in conjunction with individual-level data from the Detroit Area Study (DAS) and demographic data from the U.S. census, we find that residents of neighborhoods in close proximity to industrial activity report elevated levels of psychological distress compared to residents of neighborhoods removed from this type of activity. These influences are more pronounced among women but gender differences are also contingent upon occupational and family statuses. We show that specific combinations of work and family statuses make persons particularly vulnerable to the influence of this environmental stressor and women are two and a half times more likely than men to have these vulnerable statuses. This study makes an important contribution to the environmental health literature because it reminds researchers of the fundamental influence of social roles when examining the link between environmental risks and mental health.

Single-Mother Families and Air Pollution: A National Study.

OBJECTIVE: This study uses tract-level demographic data and toxicity-weighted air pollutant concentration estimates for the continental United States to determine whether (1) single-mother families are overrepresented in environmentally hazardous Census tracts and (2) the percentage of single-mother families in a Census tract is a significant predictor of tract-level toxic concentration estimates. METHODS: After calculating tract-level toxic concentration estimates for the average female-headed family, male-headed family, and married-couple family with and without children, we use fixed-effects regression models to determine whether the percentage of single-mother families in a tract is a significant predictor of tract-level toxic concentration estimates. RESULTS: Single-mother families are overrepresented in environmentally hazardous Census tracts, and the percentage of single-mother families in a tract remains a significant predictor of estimated toxic concentration levels even after controlling for many of the most commonly used variables in the literature. CONCLUSION: Environmental inequality researchers need to broaden their focus beyond race and income to include groups such as single-mother families in their research.

Environmental Inequality in Metropolitan America.

This study compares the environmental hazard burden experienced by Blacks, Hispanics, Pacific Islanders, Native Americans, Asian Americans, and Whites in each of the 329 metropolitan areas in the continental United States, using toxicity-weighted air pollutant concentration data drawn from the Environmental Protection Agency's Risk-Screening Environmental Indicators project to determine whether and to what degree environmental inequality exists in each of these metropolitan areas. After demonstrating that environmental inequality outcomes vary widely across metropolitan areas and that each group in the analysis experiences a high pollution disadvantage in multiple metropolitan areas and a medium pollution disadvantage in many metropolitan areas, the authors test three hypotheses that make predictions about the role that residential segregation and racial income inequality play in producing environmental inequality. Using logistic regression models to test these hypotheses, the authors find that residential segregation and racial income inequality are relatively poor predictors of environmental inequality outcomes, that residential segregation can increase and decrease racial/ethnic group proximity to environmental hazards, and that the roles income inequality and residential segregation play in producing environmental inequality vary from one racial/ethnic group to another.

RACE, INCOME, AND ENVIRONMENTAL INEQUALITY IN THE UNITED STATES.

This article asks whether the relationship between neighborhood and household income levels and neighborhood hazard levels varies according to neighborhood and household racial composition. Using a national, census tract-level data set, the authors find that black, white, and Hispanic households with similar incomes live in neighborhoods of dissimilar environmental quality, that the association between neighborhood and household income levels and neighborhood hazard levels varies according to neighborhood and household racial composition, and that increases in neighborhood and household income levels are more strongly associated with declining hazard levels in black neighborhoods and households than in white neighborhoods and households. These findings contradict Wilson's claim that the significance of race has declined in the modern industrial period and demonstrate that environmental racial inequality is not the product of racial income inequality. In addition, these findings suggest that the impact of higher incomes on black/white proximity to environmental hazards has less to do with increases in white geographic mobility (relative to black geographic mobility) than with the ability of higher income blacks to escape the highly polluted, disorganized, and deteriorated neighborhoods to which so many low-income blacks are confined.

US Metropolitan-area Variation in Environmental Inequality Outcomes.

Over the past 20 years a steadily increasing number of researchers have investigated the relationship between neighbourhood demographic composition and environmental hazard presence. However, relatively few researchers have attempted to determine why the distribution of social groups around environmental hazards takes the form that it does or why some studies find strong evidence of environmental racial inequality while others do not. One possible explanation for this is that environmental racial inequality levels vary from one location to another. In order to see if this is the case, the article compares environmental racial inequality levels in the 61 largest metropolitan areas in the continental US, holding the unit of analysis, type of hazard, type of region and comparison population constant across metropolitan areas. Analyses demonstrate that environmental racial inequality levels do vary across metropolitan areas. Thus, after presenting these analyses, hypotheses are tested that make predictions about the determinants of this variation. These hypothesis tests show that neither residential segregation nor racial income inequality does a good job of explaining metropolitan-area variation in environmental inequality outcomes in the US.

Environmental Racial Inequality in Detroit.

This study uses industrial pollution data from the Environmental Protection Agency's Toxics Release Inventory (TRI) and tract-level demographic data from the 2000 U.S. census to determine whether environmental racial inequality existed in the Detroit metropolitan area in the year 2000. This study differs from prior environmental inequality research in two important ways. First, it offers a positive rationale for using hazard proximity indicators. Second, it uses a distance decay modeling technique to estimate hazard proximity. This technique weights each hazard's estimated negative effect by distance such that the estimated negative effect declines continuously as distance from the hazard increases, thus providing more accurate estimates of proximity-based environmental risk than can be obtained using other variable construction techniques currently found in the literature. Using this technique, I find that Detroit's black neighborhoods were disproportionately burdened by TRI facility activity in 2000 and that neighborhood racial composition had a strong independent effect on neighborhood proximity to TRI activity.

ENVIRONMENTAL INEQUALITY IN METROPOLITAN AMERICA IN 2000.

This article compares black and Hispanic environmental inequality levels across 14 of the largest metropolitan areas in the United States and asks how conclusions regarding the existence of environmental inequality differ when different definitions of environmental inequality are employed. Using census tracts as the unit of analysis, industrial pollution data from the Toxic Release Inventory, and demographic data from the U.S. census, tobit regression analysis is used to determine whether two types of environmental racial inequality-disparate social impacts inequality and relative distribution inequality-existed in each metropolitan area in 2000. Results show that black and Hispanic environmental inequality were fairly widespread throughout the 14 metropolitan areas, that Hispanic environmental inequality was more widespread than black environmental inequality, and that conclusions vary depending upon which definition of environmental inequality is employed. This latter findings suggests that the conclusions researchers draw are likely to be inaccurate if they do not properly specify the definitions of environmental inequality they are using and the types of environmental inequality they are studying.

Using Geographic Information Systems to Reconceptualize Spatial Relationships and Ecological Context.

In this article, the author demonstrates how geographic information system (GIS) software can be used to reconceptualize spatial relationships and ecological context and address the modifiable areal unit problem. In order to do this, the author uses GIS to (1) test an important category of spatial hypotheses (spatial proximity hypotheses), (2) overcome methodological problems that arise when data sets are not spatially comparable, and (3) measure ecological context. The author introduces a set of GIS variable construction techniques that are designed to accomplish these tasks, illustrates these techniques empirically by using them to test spatial proximity hypotheses drawn from the literature on environmental inequality, and demonstrates that results obtained using these techniques are methodologically superior to and substantively different from results obtained using traditional techniques. Finally, the author demonstrates that these techniques are the product of an alternative conceptualization of physical space that allows sociologists to develop new ways to think about and measure spatial relationships, ecological context, and place-based social inequality and that gives them the ability to reconceptualize spatially based methodological problems that have confronted them for years.

Environmental stressors: the mental health impacts of living near industrial activity.

A growing literature examines whether the poor, the working class, and people of color are disproportionately likely to live in environmentally hazardous neighborhoods. This literature assumes that environmental characteristics such as industrial pollution and hazardous waste are detrimental to human health, an assumption that has not been well tested. Drawing upon the sociology of mental health and environmental inequality studies, we ask whether industrial activity has an impact on psychological well-being. We link individual-level survey data with data from the US. Census and the Toxic Release Inventory and find that residential proximity to industrial activity has a negative impact on mental health. This impact is both direct and mediated by individuals' perceptions of neighborhood disorder and personal powerlessness, and the impact is greater for minorities and the poor than it is for whites and wealthier individuals. These results suggest that public health officials need to take seriously the mental health impacts of living near industrial facilities.

ASSESSING ENVIRONMENTAL INEQUALITY: HOW THE CONCLUSIONS WE DRAW VARY ACCORDING TO THE DEFINITIONS WE EMPLOY.

This article demonstrates that the conclusions environmental inequality researchers draw vary according to the definitions of environmental inequality they employ and that researchers can use a single set of results to test for the existence of multiple forms of environmental inequality. In order to illustrate these points, I set forth five definitions of environmental inequality, list the kinds of evidence we must obtain in order to determine whether each form of environmental inequality exists, and show how conclusions drawn from several recent environmental inequality studies vary depending on the definition of environmental inequality we employ. My goal is not to show that any one definition is superior to the others; nor am I trying to generalize from the studies reported here to a broader set of research findings. Instead, my goal is to a) show that we can use a single set of results to address a variety of environmental justice concerns and b) demonstrate that our interpretations of environmental inequality research have been too narrowly focused on one set of environmental inequality outcomes.

SINGLE MOTHER FAMILIES AND INDUSTRIAL POLLUTION IN METROPOLITAN AMERICA.

Environmental inequality researchers have studied the distribution of social groups around a variety of environmental hazards. However, researchers have focused their attention primarily on race and class-based environmental inequality, largely ignoring the question of whether other subordinate groups-children, the elderly, women, welfare recipients, single mother families-are disproportionately burdened by environmental hazards. I address this gap in the literature by asking whether single mother families are overrepresented in environmentally hazardous neighborhoods, whether the percentage of single mother families in a neighborhood is a better predictor than a neighborhood's racial and income characteristics of environmental hazard presence levels, and whether the representation of single mother families in environmentally hazardous neighborhoods is similar to that of single father families and married parent families.

The Unintended Significance of Race: Environmental Racial Inequality in Detroit.

This article addresses shortcomings in the literature on environmental inequality by (a) setting forth and testing four models of environmental inequality and (b) explicitly linking environmental inequality research to spatial mismatch theory and to the debate on the declining significance of race. The explanatory models ask whether the distribution of blacks and whites around environmental hazards is the result of black/white income inequality, racist siting practices, or residential segregation. The models are tested using manufacturing facility and census data from the Detroit metropolitan area. It turns out that the distribution of blacks and whites around this region's polluting manufacturing facilities is largely the product of residential segregation which, paradoxically, has reduced black proximity to manufacturing facility pollution.