Incremental effects of reward on creativity.

The authors examined 2 ways reward might increase creativity. First, reward contingent on creativity might increase extrinsic motivation. Studies 1 and 2 found that repeatedly giving preadolescent students reward for creative performance in 1 task increased their creativity in subsequent tasks. Study 3 reported that reward promised for creativity increased college students' creative task performance. Second, expected reward for high performance might increase creativity by enhancing perceived self-determination and, therefore, intrinsic task interest. Study 4 found that employees' intrinsic job interest mediated a positive relationship between expected reward for high performance and creative suggestions offered at work. Study 5 found that employees' perceived self-determination mediated a positive relationship between expected reward for high performance and the creativity of anonymous suggestions for helping the organization.

Affective commitment to the organization: the contribution of perceived organizational support.

Three studies examined the interrelationships among work experiences, perceived organizational support (POS), affective commitment (AC), and employee turnover. Using a diverse sample of 367 employees drawn from a variety of organizations, Study 1 found that POS mediated positive associations of organizational rewards, procedural justice, and supervisor support with AC. Study 2 examined changes of POS and AC in retail employees over a 2-year span (N = 333) and a 3-year span (N = 226). POS was positively related to temporal changes in AC, suggesting that POS leads to AC. Study 3 found a negative relationship between POS and subsequent voluntary employee turnover that was mediated by AC in retail employees (N = 1,124) and in poultry- and feed-processing workers (N = 262). These results suggest that favorable work conditions operate via POS to increase AC, which, in turn, decreases employee withdrawal behavior.

Reciprocation of perceived organizational support.

Four hundred thirteen postal employees were surveyed to investigate reciprocation's role in the relationships of perceived organizational support (POS) with employees' affective organizational commitment and job performance. The authors found that (a) POS was positively related to employees' felt obligation to care about the organization's welfare and to help the organization reach its objectives; (b) felt obligation mediated the associations of POS with affective commitment, organizational spontaneity, and in-role performance; and (c) the relationship between POS and felt obligation increased with employees' acceptance of the reciprocity norm as applied to work organizations. Positive mood also mediated the relationships of POS with affective commitment and organizational spontaneity. The pattern of findings is consistent with organizational support theory's assumption that POS strengthens affective commitment and performance by a reciprocation process.

Perceived organizational support and police performance: the moderating influence of socioemotional needs.

Police patrol officers were surveyed to investigate how the strength of socioemotional needs affects the relationship between perceived organizational support (POS) and work performance. The association of POS with driving-under-the-influence arrests and speeding citations generally increased with strength of the needs for esteem, affiliation, emotional support, and social approval. Patrol officers with strong socioemotional needs, but not those with weak needs, showed a positive relationship between POS and performance. The findings are consistent with social exchange views that maintain (a) work effort is encouraged by the receipt of socioemotional resources, (b) POS fulfills a variety of socioemotional needs, and (c) the value of POS and the obligation to reciprocate with high performance increase with the strength of socioemotional needs.

Can the promise of reward increase creativity?

Two experiments, involving 436 preadolescent schoolchildren, investigated how the explicitness of promised reward affects creativity. In the first study, the nonspecific promise of reward increased the creativity of picture drawing if children had previously received divergent-thinking training (generating novel uses for physical objects). In the second study, promised reward increased the creativity of children's drawings if current task instructions clarified the necessity of creative performance. Promised reward evidently increases creativity if there is currently, or was previously, an explicit positive relationship between creativity and reward.

Perceived organizational support, discretionary treatment, and job satisfaction.

A diverse sample of 295 employees drawn from a variety of organizations was surveyed to investigate (a) whether the relationship between the favorableness of job conditions and perceived organizational support (POS) depends on employee perceptions concerning the organization's freedom of action and (b) whether POS and overall job satisfaction are distinct constructs. The favorableness of high-discretion job conditions was found to be much more closely associated with POS than was the favorableness of low-discretion job conditions. No such relationship was found between job conditions and satisfaction. To decide how much the organization values their contributions and well-being, employees distinguish job conditions whose favorableness the organization readily controls versus job conditions whose favorableness is constrained by limits on the organization's discretion.

Can salient reward increase creative performance without reducing intrinsic creative interest?

Two experiments, involving 416 preadolescent school children, investigated the effects of monetary reward on generalized creative performance and intrinsic creative interest. In Experiment 1, the explicit requirement of novel performance in 1 task (generating unusual uses for physical objects) produced greater subsequent creative performance in an entirely different task (picture drawing) when a large reward was used rather than a small reward or no reward. In Experiment 2, reward for novel performance increased subsequent intrinsic creative interest, measured here by the choice to produce original drawings rather than copy a familiar drawing. Intrinsic creative interest was reduced only by reward for uncreative performance. These findings suggest that the explicit requirement of novel performance for salient reward enhances generalized creativity without any loss of intrinsic creative interest.

Detrimental effects of reward. Reality or myth?

Based on seemingly overwhelming empirical evidence of the decremental effects of reward on intrinsic task interest and creativity, the use of reward to alter human behavior has been challenged in literature reviews, textbooks, and the popular media. An analysis of a quarter century of research on intrinsic task interest and creativity revealed, however, that (a) detrimental effects of reward occur under highly restricted, easily avoidable conditions; (b) mechanisms of instrumental and classical conditioning are basic for understanding incremental and decremental effects of reward on task motivation; and (c) positive effects of reward on generalized creativity are easily attainable using procedures derived from behavior theory.

Learned industriousness.

Extensive research with animals and humans indicates that rewarded effort contributes to durable individual differences in industriousness. It is proposed that reinforcement for increased physical or cognitive performance, or for the toleration of aversive stimulation, conditions rewards value to the sensation of high effort and thereby reduces effort's aversiveness. The conditioning of secondary reward value to the sensation of effort provides a dynamic mechanism by which reinforced high performance generalizes across behaviors. Applications to self-control, moral development, and education are described.

Can response force be shaped by reinforcement?

Frick in 1986, writing in this journal, suggested that experiments purporting to demonstrate the shaping of response force by reinforcement lacked critical controls. He argued instead that such procedures create a mental schema concerning the response topography which influences force indirectly. Although Frick's methodological criticisms are well taken, there is additional evidence suggesting that response force can be strengthened by reinforcement and that such learning generalizes across behaviors.

Accuracy versus speed in the generalized effort of learning-disabled children.

Reinforcement of effortful performance in a given academic task has been found to increase the subsequent performance of other academic tasks. The learned-effort hypothesis assumes that individuals learn which dimensions of task performance are correlated with reinforcement of high effort, and generalize across tasks. Therefore, reinforcement of increased effort in a given dimension of one task should result in greater generalized effort in the same dimension of transfer performance than in another dimension. In accord with this view, preadolescent learning-disabled students who received points for high reading accuracy subsequently produced more accurate drawings and stories than did students whose points had been based upon high reading speed or upon mere completion of the reading task. Students who received points for high reading speed subsequently constructed stories more quickly than did children whose points had been based upon high reading accuracy or upon reading-task completion. Consistent with the more explicit and frequent feedback for accuracy than for speed in most academic tasks, generalized accuracy was much more durable than generalized speed.

Discriminative control of generalized effort.

Increasing the degree of effort required for the successful performance of one behavior has been found to heighten the subsequent performance of other behaviors. The present research tested whether discriminative stimuli for effort control the quantity and quality of transfer performance. Two experimenters administered alternately a perceptual task which required college students to identify subtle differences between cartoon drawings. The high-effort experimenter required five identifications per pair of drawings; the low-effort experimenter, one identification. The later assignment of an essay by the high-effort experimenter, as compared to the low-effort experimenter, resulted in a greater essay length and quality. These findings suggest that cues which signal the degree of effort required for reinforcement exert discriminative control over generalized effort.

Effects of conceptual task difficulty on generalized persistence.

A set of experiments tested whether the degree of effort rewarded in a conceptual task would affect subsequent persistence in a perceptual task. College students were presented with complex, simple, or unsolvable anagrams or, in a control group, merely read the anagram target words; the perceptual task requiring the identification of subtle or nonexistent differences between cartoon drawings followed. Those who had worked on unsolvable anagrams spent greater time on the cartoon drawings compared with those who had worked on simple anagrams or anagram target words, suggesting that initial failure on assigned tasks serves as a cue to work harder. The complex group spent more time on the cartoon task than the simple group, control group and, following sufficient failure, the unsolvable group. The complex group was also found to spend more time on the cartoons than a group which experienced exactly the same distribution of successes and failures on the anagrams but which always failed after high effort. Two interpretations of the superior persistence of the complex group were compared: (a) the degree of accustomed effort per reinforcer becomes a generalized component of instrumental behavior, and (b) high effort increases the habituation of frustration-produced disruptive responses.

Transfer of persistence across behaviors.

Two experiments tested the applicability to human beings of findings with animals that the number of performances required for the reinforcement of one behavior affects the subsequent effort expended in other instrumental behaviors. In the first experiment, adult depressed psychiatric patients worked on a sorting task for the approval of a staff psychologist. The time spent and the work completed were increased by prior approval from a ward attendant for each completion of several custodial tasks, as compared to the ward attendant's approval for each completion of a single task or a no-pretreatment control condition. In the second experiment, preadolescent learning-disabled students who were required to read and spell correctly a greater number of words per reward token later spent more time and completed more work for reward tokens in mathematics, and handwriting. Two alternative interpretations of these results are evaluated: (a) The degree of accustomed effort per reinforcer becomes a learned component of behavior, or (b) high effort increases the habituation of frustration-produced disruptive responses. The results suggest that individual differences in general persistence may arise, in part, from an accumulation of effort training in the natural environment.