"Adoption is just not for me": How abortion patients in Michigan and New Mexico factor adoption into their pregnancy outcome decisions.

Objectives: In public discourses in the United States, adoption is often suggested as a less objectionable, equal substitute for abortion, despite this pregnancy outcome occurring much less frequently than the outcomes of abortion and parenting. This qualitative study explores whether and how abortion patients weighed adoption as part of their pregnancy decisions and, for those who did, identifies factors that contributed to their ultimate decision against adoption. Study design: We interviewed 29 abortion patients from 6 facilities in Michigan and New Mexico in 2015. We conducted a thematic analysis using both deductive and inductive approaches to describe participants' perspectives, preferences, and experiences regarding the consideration of adoption for their pregnancy. Results: Participants' reasons why adoption was not an appropriate option for their pregnancy were grounded in their ideas of the roles and responsibilities of parenting and fell into three themes. First, participants described continuing the pregnancy and giving birth as inseparable from the decision to parent. Second, choosing adoption would represent an irresponsible abnegation of parental duty. Third, adoption could put their child's safety and well-being at risk. Conclusions: Adoption was not an equally acceptable substitute for abortion among abortion patients. For them, adoption was a decision that represented taking on, and then abdicating, the role of parent. This made adoption a particularly unsuitable choice for their pregnancy. Implications: Rhetoric suggesting that adoption is an equal alternative to abortion does not reflect the experiences, preferences, or values of how abortion patients assess what options are appropriate for their pregnancy.

A Content Analysis of Reddit Users' Posts about Challenges to Contraceptive care-seeking during COVID-19-related Restrictions in the United States.

The COVID-19 pandemic in the United States caused disruptions in care seeking and delivery during the spring of 2020, including for contraceptive care. We examined how some individuals experienced and responded to barriers to accessing contraceptive care by conducting a content analysis of relevant Reddit posts. We collected 2666 posts by scraping relevant subreddits from February 1, 2020, to April 15, 2020, and filtering by selected keywords. Among the 101 posts on contraception and the COVID-19 pandemic, we explored three main themes: barriers to accessing general healthcare during the early pandemic, problems and concerns specific to contraceptive use, and attempts to navigate the obstacles to contraceptive care or use-related concerns. The Reddit posts demonstrated the disruptive force the early pandemic had on contraceptive care and provided a unique window into the concerns posters expressed on Reddit during this time. Many posters asked questions related to accessing contraception and side effects and sought reassurance from these online forums. Our results suggest that there were barriers to accessing reliable, high-quality, and evidence-based information about contraception during this disruption in care. The findings also underscore that conversational and interactive means of seeking out information are important modes for learning about and discussing contraception for some and may be especially helpful during clinic closures and other restrictions on access.

Exploring experience of and engagement in coercive pregnancy behaviors among sexually active young men from five clinics in Baltimore, MD.

OBJECTIVES: To explore young men's perceived experience of coercive pregnancy behaviors by female partners, and engagement in and behavioral overlap of these occurrences in this sample. STUDY DESIGN: Heterosexually active young men aged 15 to 24 (n = 39), recruited from 3 primary care and 2 sexually transmitted disease clinics in Baltimore, MD city over a 2-week period, were surveyed on their perceived experience of and engagement in coercive pregnancy behaviors, attitudes about women, and background characteristics. RESULTS: Of 130 invited, 66 (51%) agreed to participate, 39 of whom were heterosexual young men; 87% were non-Hispanic Black and 59% were aged 20 to 24. Eleven (28%) perceived one or more coercive pregnancy behaviors by a partner and nine (23%) engaged in one or more coercive behavior. Most (58%) agreed women are responsible for birth control decisions, but 55% believed women could not be trusted to tell the truth about contraceptive use and 68% believe women would like to get pregnant. CONCLUSIONS: Over one-third of young men in this sample perceived experience of coercive pregnancy behaviors by partners and/or engaged in these behaviors. Findings have implications for promoting healthy relationships among young people. IMPLICATIONS: This study found over one-third of young men perceived experience of coercive pregnancy behaviors by partners and/or engaged in these behaviors. Findings highlight the need for research to include young men in examining coercive pregnancy behaviors. Findings also highlight the need to develop strategies to support educational and clinical approaches to address young men's role as partners in healthy contraceptive practices.

"If I know I am on the pill and I get pregnant, it's an act of God": women's views on fatalism, agency and pregnancy.

OBJECTIVES: Fatalism is the idea that outside forces have control over events. Pregnancy and pregnancy prevention play a prominent role in many women's lives, and we sought to understand if and how fatalism informed their thinking about these issues. STUDY DESIGN: We conducted in-depth interviews with 52 unmarried women between the ages of 18 and 30. We used NVivo to analyze the transcripts. The current analysis focuses on the ways that women discussed fatalism and pregnancy both in response to a direct question and as it came up spontaneously. RESULTS: The majority of respondents expressed a mix of fatalistic and non-fatalistic views about pregnancy. Many related that "fate," "destiny" and/or God play a role in pregnancy, but most also asserted that pregnancy risk could be substantially reduced, most commonly by using contraception. Fatalism sometimes served a positive function, for example as a mechanism to deal with an unintended pregnancy. Having a fatalistic outlook did not preclude contraceptive use. Rather, some women using highly effective methods related that if they were to become pregnant, they would interpret it as a sign that the pregnancy was "meant to happen." Finally some women related that there was no guarantee a woman could get pregnant when she wanted to, suggesting that some degree of fatalism may be inevitable when it comes to pregnancy. CONCLUSIONS: Fatalism and agency should not be viewed as opposing outlooks when it comes to pregnancy and pregnancy prevention; having fatalistic views about pregnancy does not preclude contraceptive use. IMPLICATIONS: Given that women do not have total control over attainment of a wanted pregnancy or even prevention of pregnancy, some amount of fatalism about fertility is a logical and pragmatic response. Both research and clinical practice need to recognize that fatalism and contraceptive use are often not in conflict.

Perceptions of male knowledge and support among U.S. women obtaining abortions.

PURPOSE: At least one national study has shown that most women having abortions have consulted with male partners before terminating a pregnancy. However, little is known about the extent to which women perceive men to be supportive of their abortion decisions or which relationship characteristics are associated with male knowledge of and support for the abortion. METHODS: We used data from a nationally representative sample of 9,493 women obtaining abortions to examine perceptions of male knowledge and support for the abortion according to three relationship characteristics: Union status, length of relationship, and exposure to intimate partner violence (IPV). MAIN FINDINGS: The overwhelming majority of women reported that the men with whom they got pregnant knew about the abortion, and most perceived these men to be supportive. Cohabiting and, to a lesser extent, married women as well as those in longer relationships were more likely to report both of these outcomes, even after controlling for demographic characteristics. Exposure to IPV by the man involved in the pregnancy, reported by 7% of abortion patients, substantially reduced the likelihood that women perceived the men to know about or to be supportive of the abortion. CONCLUSION: Our results suggest that most women obtaining abortions are able to rely on male partners for social support. Education and counseling efforts that incorporate or reach out to male partners may increase support for women obtaining abortions. However, this strategy may not be appropriate for all women, especially those exposed to IPV.

Timing of steps and reasons for delays in obtaining abortions in the United States.

OBJECTIVE: We studied the steps in the process of obtaining abortions and women's reported delays in order to help understand difficulties in accessing abortion services. METHODS: In 2004, a structured survey was completed by 1209 abortion patients at 11 large providers, and in-depth interviews were conducted with 38 women at four sites. RESULTS: The median time from the last menstrual period to suspecting pregnancy was 33 days; the median time from suspecting pregnancy to confirming the pregnancy was 4 days; the median time from confirming the pregnancy to deciding to have an abortion was 0 day; the median time from deciding to have an abortion to first attempting to obtain abortion services was 2 days; and the median time from first attempting to obtain abortion services to obtaining the abortion was 7 days. Minors took a week longer to suspect pregnancy than adults did. Fifty-eight percent of women reported that they would have liked to have had the abortion earlier. The most common reasons for delay were that it took a long time to make arrangements (59%), to decide (39%) and to find out about the pregnancy (36%). Poor women were about twice as likely to be delayed by difficulties in making arrangements. CONCLUSIONS: Financial limitations and lack of knowledge about pregnancy may make it more difficult for some women to obtain early abortion.

Reasons U.S. women have abortions: quantitative and qualitative perspectives.

CONTEXT: Understanding women's reasons for having abortions can inform public debate and policy regarding abortion and unwanted pregnancy. Demographic changes over the last two decades highlight the need for a reassessment of why women decide to have abortions. METHODS: In 2004, a structured survey was completed by 1,209 abortion patients at 11 large providers, and in-depth interviews were conducted with 38 women at four sites. Bivariate analyses examined differences in the reasons for abortion across subgroups, and multivariate logistic regression models assessed associations between respondent characteristics and reported reasons. RESULTS: The reasons most frequently cited were that having a child would interfere with a woman's education, work or ability to care for dependents (74%); that she could not afford a baby now (73%); and that she did not want to be a single mother or was having relationship problems (48%). Nearly four in 10 women said they had completed their childbearing, and almost one-third were not ready to have a child. Fewer than 1% said their parents' or partners' desire for them to have an abortion was the most important reason. Younger women often reported that they were unprepared for the transition to motherhood, while older women regularly cited their responsibility to dependents. CONCLUSIONS: The decision to have an abortion is typically motivated by multiple, diverse and interrelated reasons. The themes of responsibility to others and resource limitations, such as financial constraints and lack of partner support, recurred throughout the study.