Canine hepatozoonosis in southeastern Bahia, Brazil.

In Brazil, canine hepatozoonosis is a tick-borne subclinical hemoparasitosis caused by a protozoa Hepatozoon canis and is highly prevalent in dogs in rural areas. An epizootiological study was conducted to investigate the prevalence of H. canis in the canine population of Ituberá, Bahia, and to analyze any associated risk factors. Blood samples were collected from 380 dogs and determined the presence of the protozoan by performing capillary blood smear and polymerase chain reaction (PCR). Epizootiological data were collected by asking dog owners to answer a structured questionnaire. H. canis gamonts were not detected in the blood smears. However, PCR detected H. canis in 163/380 (42.9%) dogs examined. Physical examination and anamnesis indicated 105 (64.4%) positive asymptomatic dogs. Hematological alterations were observed in 115 (70.5%) infected dogs. No clinical, hematological, or epizootiological variable was found to be significantly associated to the infection. In conclusion, the high prevalence of H. canis infection in local dogs may be because of the peri-urban features of this municipality. Moreover, to the best of our knowledge, this study the first study to report H. canis infection in the State of Bahia.

Cyanobacteria blooms: Maya peoples between the politics of risk and the threat of disaster.

In October of 2009 an outbreak of cyanobacteria in Lake Atitlán, Guatemala gained international attention and global news coverage with interests coming from environmentalists, microbiologists, and local health agencies. A significantly less well-known aspect of the crisis was the perceptions and predicaments of Maya (indigenous) peoples for whom the lake is the primary source of life and livelihood. This research examines the communication of the public health risk of cyanobacteria to Maya peoples. Using an "ethnography of risk communication" approach, this work traces the circulation of the science of cyanobacteria and the construction of risk from government and public health translations through media transmissions to local Maya interpretations. The findings demonstrate how government and institutional translations (and media transmissions) of the science of cyanobacteria not only unwittingly produced misunderstandings about the health dangers but indirectly associated blame for the outbreak with indigenous peoples, calling into question their way of life.

Maya mobile medicine in Guatemala: the "other" public health.

Maya mobile medical providers in highland Guatemala and the goods and services that they offer from "soapboxes" on street corners, local markets, and on buses exemplify an important yet underinvestigated domain of localized health care, one that I refer to as the "other" public health. This medical and linguistic examination of traveling medical salespeople calls for a reconsideration (on a global scale) of what has come to be understood as "public health," arguing that "othered," local forms of public health that are often overlooked by anthropologists as "nontraditional" and delegitimized by bio-medicine as nonscientific merit serious consideration and investigation. This ethnography of marginalized forms of public health offers global insights into emerging heterodoxical forms of public health care that contest bio-medical authority and challenge our preexisting definitions of what counts as "access," wellness seeking, and even health care itself.

Where there is no patient: an anthropological treatment of a biomedical category.

This work anthropologically applies the concept of 'personhood' to the Western biomedical patient role, and through cross-cultural comparisons with wellness-seeker roles (e.g. among the Maya of Guatemala and others) it seeks to discern the implications for global healthcare of assuming the universality of the "patient" role. Here, particular ethnographic attention is given to the presumption of the "patient" role in places and situations where, because of cultural and linguistic variation in local wellness-seeker roles and practices, there may be no "patient." It is hoped that establishing the biomedical patient role (with the clinical expectations, communicative and comportment practices that prefigure it) as acquired rather than intuitive, will help redirect cultural competence to the acquisition of patienthood, broadening it from an endless accrual of cultural inventories by physicians. Also it aims to shift existing biomedical associations of cultural variations in wellness-seeking away from a priori assessments of clinical defiance towards deeper understandings of the kinds of cultural differences that may make the difference treatment outcomes.