AKT1, PRDM4, and BAX are the natural markers of psychological endurance threshold.

INTRODUCTION: Abnormal behavior can cause harm or loss to oneself, the family, and society and may be related to psychological endurance levels. With early identification and early intervention, the occurrence of harm can be prevented and the loss can be reduced. Now there is no clear definition of psychological endurance levels and no accurate measurement tools yet. METHODS: This study first proposes the concept of psychological endurance threshold (PET) and defines that as: "the psychological state threshold of human objective physiological characteristics and outbreaks of abnormal behavior led by subjective cognitive level difference". The study hypothesizes that human behavior is related to it, and constructs multiple measurement method tools to measure it. RESULTS: Here we show PET exists objectively and can be measured exactly by methods such as psychological endurance threshold measurement table, experience evaluation, dopamine level detection, and genetic testing. In particular, PET is determined by AKT1, PRDM4, and BAX which are the natural markers of PET. CONCLUSIONS: The significance of this study is to discover people with abnormal expression of AKT1, PRDM4, and BAX who have lower PET and tend to commit abnormal behavior more easily. Understanding PET will enable people to make self-adjustment or to intervene by professionals as soon as possible and in a timely manner in the face of various negative stimuli in work and life, especially for people with lower PET, people should intervene as early as possible to reduce the harm to the individual, family and society.

Categorical organization in free recall across culture and age.

BACKGROUND: Cross-cultural differences in cognition suggest that Westerners use categories more than Easterners, but these differences have only been investigated in young adults. OBJECTIVE: The contributions of cognitive resource and the extent of cultural exposure are explored for free recall by investigating cross-cultural differences in categorical organization in younger and older adults. Cultural differences in the use of categories should be larger for elderly than young because categorization is a well-practiced strategy for Westerners, but age-related cognitive resource limitations may make the strategy difficult for elderly Easterners to implement. Therefore, we expect that cultural differences in categorization will be magnified in elderly adults relative to younger adults, with Americans categorizing more than Chinese. METHODS: Across two studies, 112 young and 112 elderly drawn from two cultures (American and Chinese) encoded words presented in their native language. One word list contained categorically-unrelated words and the other, categorically-related words; both lists were presented in the participants' native language. In experiment 1, the words were strong category associates, and in experiment 2, the words were weak category associates. Participants recalled all the words they could remember, and the number of words recalled and degree of clustering by category were analyzed. RESULTS: As predicted, cultural differences emerged for the elderly, with East-Asians using categories less than Americans during recall of highly-associated category exemplars (experiment 1). For recall of low-associate exemplars, East-Asians overall categorized less than Americans (experiment 2). Surprisingly, these differences in the use of categories did not lead to cultural differences in the number of words recalled. The expected effects of age were apparent with elderly recalling less than young, but in contrast to previous studies, elderly also categorized less than young. CONCLUSION: These studies provide support for the notion that cultural differences in categorical organization are larger for elderly adults than young, although culture did not impact the amount recalled. These data suggest that culture and age interact to influence cognition.

Category norms as a function of culture and age: comparisons of item responses to 105 categories by american and chinese adults.

Understanding how aging influences cognition across different cultures has been hindered by a lack of standardized, cross-referenced verbal stimuli. This study introduces a database of such item-level stimuli for both younger and older adults, in China and the United States, and makes 3 distinct contributions. First, the authors specify which item categories generalize across age and/or cultural groups, rigorously quantifying differences among them. Second, they introduce novel, powerful methods to measure between-group differences in freely generated ranked data, the rank-ordered logit model and Hellinger Affinity. Finally, a broad archive of tested, cross-linguistic stimuli is now freely available to researchers: data, similarity measures, and all stimulus materials for 105 categories and 4 culture-by-age groups, comprising over 10,000 fully translated unique item responses.

Cultural variation in verbal versus spatial neuropsychological function across the life span.

Established culture-invariant measures are needed for cross-cultural assessment of verbal and visuospatial speed of processing and working memory across the life span. In this study, 32 younger and 32 older adults from China and from the United States were administered numerically based and spatially based measures of speed of processing and working memory. Chinese superiority on the numerically based tasks was found for younger adults. Age and increasing task demands diminished this cultural effect, as predicted by the framework proposed by D. C. Park, R. Nisbett, and T. Hedden (1999). However, the visuospatial measures of both working memory and speed of processing did not differ cross-culturally for either age group. The authors concluded that these visuospatial measures provide culture-invariant estimates of cognitive processes in East Asian and Western cultures, but that numerically based tasks show evidence of cultural and linguistic biases in performance levels.