The interaction of focus and phrasing with downstep and post-low-bouncing in Mandarin Chinese.

L(ow) tone in Mandarin Chinese causes both downstep and post-low-bouncing. Downstep refers to the lowering of a H(igh) tone after a L tone, which is usually measured by comparing the H tones in a "H…HLH…H" sentence with a "H…HHH…H" sentence (cross-comparison), investigating whether downstep sets a new pitch register for the scaling of subsequent tones. Post-low-bouncing refers to the raising of a H tone after a focused L tone. The current study investigates how downstep and post-low-bouncing interact with focus and phrasing in Mandarin Chinese. In the experiment, we systematically manipulated (a) the tonal environment by embedding two syllables with either LH or HH tone (syllable X and Y) sentence-medially in the same carrier sentences containing only H tones; (b) boundary strength between X and Y by introducing either a syllable boundary or a phonological phrase boundary; and (c) information structure by either placing a contrastive focus in the HL/HH word (XF), syllable Y (YF), or the sentence-final word (ZF). A wide-focus condition served as the baseline. With systematic control of focus and boundary strength around the L tone, the current study shows that the downstep effect in Mandarin is quite robust, lasting for 3-5 H tones after the L tone, but eventually levelling back again to the register reference line of a H tone. The way how focus and phrasing interact with the downstep effect is unexpected. Firstly, sentence-final focus has no anticipatory effect on shortening the downstep effect; instead, it makes the downstep effect lasts longer as compared to the wide focus condition. Secondly, the downstep effect still shows when the H tone after the L tone is on-focus (YF), in a weaker manner than the wide focus condition, and is overridden by the post-focus-compression. Thirdly, the downstep effect gets greater when the boundary after the L tone is stronger, because the L tone is longer and more likely to be creaky. We further analyzed downstep by measuring the F0 drop between the two H tones surrounding the L tone (sequential-comparison). Comparing it with F0 drop in all-H sentences (i.e., declination), it showed that the downstep effect was much greater and more robust than declination. However, creaky voice in the L tone was not the direct cause of downstep. At last, when the L tone was under focus (XF), it caused a post-low-bouncing effect, which is weakened by a phonological phrase boundary. Altogether, the results showed that although intonation is largely controlled by informative functions, the physical-articulatory controls are relatively persistent, varying within the pitch range of 2.5 semitones. Downstep and post-low-bouncing in Mandarin Chinese thus seem to be mainly due to physical-articulatory movement on varying pitch, with the gradual tonal F0 change meeting the requirement of smooth transition across syllables, and avoiding confusion in informative F0 control.

Prosodic Prominence - A Cross-Linguistic Perspective.

This paper is concerned with the contributions of signal-driven and expectation-driven mechanisms to a general understanding of the phenomenon of prosodic prominence from a cross-linguistic perspective. It serves as an introduction to the concept of prosodic prominence and discusses the eight papers in the Special Issue, which cover a genetically diverse range of languages. These include Djambarrpuyŋu (an Australian Pama-Nyungan language), Samoan (an Austronesian Malayo-Polynesian language), the Indo-European languages English (Germanic), French (Romance), and Russian (Slavic), Korean (Koreanic), Medumba (Bantu), and two Sino-Tibetan languages, Mandarin and Taiwanese Southern Min.

Postfocal Downstep in German.

This article is a follow-up study of Féry and Kügler (2008. Pitch accent scaling on given, new and focused constituents in German. Journal of Phonetics, 36, 680-703). It reports on an experiment of the F0 height of potential pitch accents in the postfocal region of German sentences and addresses in this way an aspect of the influence of information structure on the intonation of sentences that was left open in the previous article. The results of the experiment showed that, when several constituents are located in this position, they are often in a downstep relation, but are rarely upstepped. In 37% of the cases, the pitch accents are only realized dynamically and there is no down- or upstepping. We interpret these results as evidence that postfocal constituents are phrased independently. The data examined speak against a model of postfocal intonation in which postfocal phrasing is eliminated and all accents are reduced to zero. Instead, the pitch accents are often present, although reduced. Moreover, the facts support the existence of prosodic phrasing of the postfocal constituents; the postfocal position implies an extremely compressed register, but no dephrasing or systematic complete deaccentuation of all pitch accents. We propose adopting a model of German intonation in which prosodic phrasing is determined by syntactic structure and cannot be changed by information structure. The role of information structure in prosody is limited to changes in the register relationship of the different parts of the sentence. Prefocally, there is no or only little register compression because of givenness. Postfocally, register compression is the rule. A model of intonation must take this asymmetry into account.

Production and perception of contrast: The case of the rise-fall contour in German.

This study investigates the phonetics of German nuclear rise-fall contours in relation to contexts that trigger either a contrastive or a non-contrastive interpretation in the answer. A rise-fall contour can be conceived of a tonal sequence of L-H-L. A production study elicited target sentences in contrastive and non-contrastive contexts. The majority of cases realized showed a nuclear rise-fall contour. The acoustic analysis of these contours revealed a significant effect of contrastiveness on the height/alignment of the accent peak as a function of focus context. On the other hand, the height/alignment of the low turning point at the beginning of the rise did not show an effect of contrastiveness. In a series of semantic congruency perception tests participants judged the congruency of congruent and incongruent context-stimulus pairs based on three different sets of stimuli: (i) original data, (ii) manipulation of accent peak, and (iii) manipulation of the leading low. Listeners distinguished nuclear rise-fall contours as a function of focus context (Experiment 1 and 2), however not based on manipulations of the leading low (Experiment 3). The results suggest that the alignment and scaling of the accentual peak are sufficient to license a contrastive interpretation of a nuclear rise-fall contour, leaving the rising part as a phonetic onglide, or as a low tone that does not interact with the contrastivity of the context.

The Interaction of Language-Specific and Universal Factors During the Acquisition of Morphophonemic Alternations With Exceptions.

Using the artificial language paradigm, we studied the acquisition of morphophonemic alternations with exceptions by 160 German adult learners. We tested the acquisition of two types of alternations in two regularity conditions while additionally varying length of training. In the first alternation, a vowel harmony, backness of the stem vowel determines backness of the suffix. This process is grounded in substance (phonetic motivation), and this universal phonetic factor bolsters learning a generalization. In the second alternation, tenseness of the stem vowel determines backness of the suffix vowel. This process is not based in substance, but it reflects a phonotactic property of German and our participants benefit from this language-specific factor. We found that learners use both cues, while substantive bias surfaces mainly in the most unstable situation. We show that language-specific and universal factors interact in learning.

On the prosodic expression of pragmatic prominence: the case of pitch register lowering in Akan.

This article presents data from three production experiments investigating the prosodic means of encoding information structure in Akan, a tone language that belongs to the Kwa branch of the Niger-Congo family, spoken in Ghana. Information structure was elicited via context questions that put target words either in wide, informational, or corrective focus, or in one of the experiments also in pre-focal or post-focal position rendering it as given. The prosodic parameters F0 and duration were measured on the target words. Duration is not consistently affected by information structure, but contrary to the prediction that High (H) and Low (L) tones are raised in ex situ (fronted) focus constructions we found a significantly lower realization of both H and L tones under corrective focus in ex situ and in situ focus constructions. Givenness does not seem to be marked prosodically. The data suggest that pragmatic prominence is expressed prosodically by means of a deviation from an unmarked prosodic structure. Results are thus contradicting the view of the effort code that predicts a positive correlation of more effort resulting in higher F0 targets.

Oceaniserpentilla haliotis gen. nov., sp. nov., a marine bacterium isolated from haemolymph serum of blacklip abalone.

An aerobic, Gram-negative bacterial isolate, strain DSM 19503(T), was isolated from haemolymph serum of the blacklip abalone Haliotis rubra. Cells of strain DSM 19503(T) were vibrioid to spiral, motile and were able to pass through sterile filters with a pore size of 0.2 microm, indicating the small width of the bacterium. The isolate was psychrophilic, with the ability to grow at 2-8 degrees C. Oxidase activity was present, whereas catalase activity was absent. The nearly complete 16S rRNA gene sequence of strain DSM 19503(T) was obtained and phylogenetic sequence analysis showed that it formed a distinct genus in the family Oceanospirillaceae with highest sequence similarity of 92.9% to Oleispira antarctica RB-8(T). The cellular fatty acid composition was dependent on the growth medium used for cultivation. During growth on seawater agar, the fatty acid composition was most similar to that of Oleispira antarctica DSM 14852(T), with mainly C(16:0) (90.3%). In contrast, Columbia blood agar/NaCl-grown cells exhibited mainly C(10:0) 3-OH (11.8%), C(12:1)cis5 (8.2%), C(16:1)cis9 (29.6%), C(16:0) (19.3%) and C(18:1)cis9 (13.1%) fatty acids. On the basis of phenotypic, chemotaxonomic and genotypic data, strain DSM 19503(T) is considered to represent a novel species in a new genus for which the name Oceaniserpentilla haliotis gen. nov., sp. nov. is proposed. The type strain of Oceaniserpentilla haliotis is DSM 19503(T) (=LMG 24225(T)).

Material-specific memory processing is related to language dominance.

Neuropsychological and neuroimaging data have shown a functional lateralization of the medial temporal lobes for verbal and non-verbal memory material respectively. We hypothesized that this lateralization is related to language lateralization. Using fMRI we conducted three memory tasks with different memory material (words, faces, landscape images) alongside with a paradigm for the determination of language dominance in 44 healthy subjects. We included left as well as right-handed subjects because persons with atypical language dominance are known to be overrepresented in the group of left-handers. Lateralization indices for the BOLD activation in the medial temporal lobes from the memory tasks were correlated with those for the language task. We show that the material-specific lateralization is related to language dominance such that verbal encoding shows strong positive relation to language dominance whereas face encoding shows the opposite effect. Our data provide first fMRI evidence for a relation between language dominance and material specificity of the medial temporal lobes for memory functions. We suggest that the language-dominant hemisphere is more strongly engaged in memory processing of verbal material. These data provide grounds for the investigation of pathological changes in this relationship due to cortical dysfunctions.

Comparison of implicit memory encoding paradigms for the activation of mediotemporal structures.

The medial temporal lobes (MTLs) are essential for both encoding and retrieval processes in declarative memory. In addition, they are a frequent seizure focus for medically refractory epilepsy. One of the major side effects of MTL resection is a decline in memory functions. Most functional imaging paradigms have been developed to find preoperative measures that, to obtain a prognosis of postoperative memory performance, employ explicit memory encoding strategies to elicit MTL activation, and require a great amount of cognitive effort. We applied three different implicit encoding tasks, which require less effort and time, to a group of healthy subjects. We found left-lateralized activation for verbal stimuli, bilateral activation for pictures, and right-lateralized activation for faces. The present study shows that even with an implicit memory-encoding paradigm, a lateralized activation of MTL structures can be achieved. This may lead to paradigms for routine clinical application that require less cognitive effort and time on the part of patients.