Adolescent Predictors of Firearm Suicide Over Four Decades of Life in U.S. Men.

INTRODUCTION: There are meager individual-level data on long-term predictors of firearm suicide. METHODS: This was an analysis of males (N=189,558) in the Project Talent cohort, a national probability sample of high school schools in 1960 when students completed a baseline Project Talent self-report inventory. Mortality follow-up was contingent on survival until 1979, the onset of the National Death Index when the cohort had a mean age of 35.7 years. Mortality follow-up continued until death or age 75 years, reached by all surviving members by 2018. Analyses were conducted in 2022, with the main outcome being firearm suicide deaths (n=479). Factor analyses of Project Talent items yielded three key factors: (1) interests in firearm-related professions (i.e., military service, police force), (2) interests in hunting or fishing and knowledge of long guns, and (3) stereotypic masculinity. RESULTS: Survival analyses showed that long-term risk for firearm suicide was associated with 1-SD increases in firearm-related vocational interests in adolescence (adjusted hazard ratio [95% CI]=1.23 [1.09, 1.40]) and masculinity (adjusted hazard ratio [95% CI]=1.15 [1.04, 1.28]). Decreased long-term firearm suicide risk was associated with increased hunting interests and knowledge of long guns in adolescence (adjusted hazard ratio [95% CI]=0.86 [0.77, 0.96]) and competitive sports participation, an exploratory variable (adjusted hazard ratio [95% CI]=0.89 [0.80, 0.99]). CONCLUSIONS: Prevention efforts are needed to lower long-term firearm suicide risk among adolescent males with high stereotypic masculinity and those interested in military or police service. Potential protective effects of competitive sports participation and socialization to long guns through hunting require further study.

The relationship between adolescent reading habits and older adult social engagement - A longitudinal cohort analysis.

OBJECTIVES: To investigate an access point during youth with the potential to have a positive impact on social engagement in later-life. Our social selves begin long before older adulthood, a life-stage during which people face extensive changes to their social milieu. Adolescence is a sensitive period for sociocultural processing and adolescent activities have the potential to impact social engagement in older adulthood. We examine reading since, in adolescence, it promotes social-cognitive skills which facilitate social engagement. METHODS: Our main goal was to study the relationship between adolescent reading and older adult social engagement. We used longitudinal cohort data from Project Talent and ordered logistic regression as well as two-wave, cross-lagged panel model to analyze this relationship. Ancillary analyses examined recognized relationships between reading and social-cognition and between social-cognition and social engagement in both adolescence and older adulthood. RESULTS: Adolescent reading was related to more frequent older adult social engagement with both family and friends. This relationship was independent of reading during older adulthood, social engagement during adolescence, and social-cognition at both life-stages. Adolescent social engagement was not associated with older adult reading in the two-wave, cross-lagged model. Reading was positively related to social-cognition in adolescence, but was insignificant in older adulthood. And, social-cognition was positively related to social engagement in both adolescence and older adulthood. DISCUSSION: Reading is declining for both young and older Americans. Young Americans are also socializing less than in previous decades. These trends could have a detrimental influence on social engagement and social isolation in future cohorts of older adults. We recommend continuing to look for activities and experiences during youth, especially the sensitive period of adolescence, that could stimulate social engagement over the life-course and into older adulthood.

US trends in social isolation, social engagement, and companionship ⎯ nationally and by age, sex, race/ethnicity, family income, and work hours, 2003-2020.

Social connectedness is essential for health and longevity, while isolation exacts a heavy toll on individuals and society. We present U.S. social connectedness magnitudes and trends as target phenomena to inform calls for policy-based approaches to promote social health. Using the 2003-2020 American Time Use Survey, this study finds that, nationally, social isolation increased, social engagement with family, friends, and 'others' (roommates, neighbors, acquaintances, coworkers, clients, etc.) decreased, and companionship (shared leisure and recreation) decreased. Joinpoint analysis showed that the pandemic exacerbated upward trends in social isolation and downward trends in non-household family, friends, and 'others' social engagement. However, household family social engagement and companionship showed signs of progressive decline years prior to the pandemic, at a pace not eclipsed by the pandemic. Work hours emerged as a structural constraint to social engagement. Sub-groups allocated social engagement differently across different relationship roles. Social engagement with friends, others, and in companionship plummeted for young Americans. Black Americans experienced more social isolation and less social engagement, overall, relative to other races. Hispanics experienced much less social isolation than non-Hispanics. Older adults spent more time in social isolation, but also relatively more time in companionship. Women spent more time with family while men spent more time with friends and in companionship. And, men's social connectedness decline was steeper than for women. Finally, low-income Americans are more socially engaged with 'others' than those with higher income. We discuss potential avenues of future research and policy initiatives that emerge from our findings.

Intergenerational social mobility and suicide risk by firearm and other means in US males.

Firearms are the leading method of suicide in US men, and socioeconomic status (SES) is associated with suicide risk. In this 40-year mortality follow-up of a national cohort of US men, we examined if improved SES relative to one's family of origin, upward intergenerational social mobility (ISM), is associated with lowered risk for firearm suicide and suicide by other means in US men. Family of origin SES was assessed as part of Project Talent, a broad survey of US high school students in 1960. 42,766 men in the cohort completed follow-up surveys at age 29, assessing attained SES via education, occupation, and income. ISM was measured by change between harmonized SES composites. Mortality follow-up was conducted through age 70. Adjusting for baseline SES and race/ethnicity, a 1 standard deviation increase in SES was associated with a 31% reduction in firearm suicide risk later in the life course (HR [95% CI] = 0·69 [0·54, 0·88], P = 0·003), and a smaller, non-significant reduction in suicide by other means (HR [95% CI] = 0·80 [0·60, 1·07], P = 0·136). Traits associated with both suicide and SES attainment (cognitive ability, calm, impulsivity) only modestly attenuated this association. Upward ISM was more strongly associated with reduced firearm suicide risk in males with parents of low SES. The association between upward ISM and reduced firearm suicide mortality risk prevailed over ensuing decades. Policies improving social mobility in US males, particularly those of lower SES, may function as de-facto firearm suicide prevention strategies.

The relationship between health and political ideology begins in childhood.

We investigate whether childhood health status influences adult political ideology and whether health at subsequent life-stages, adolescent personality traits, or adolescent academic aptitude mediate this relationship. Using a national longitudinal cohort sample, we found that better health among children under age 10 was positively related to conservative political ideology among adults over age 64. Children with excellent health compared to very poor health were 16 percentage points more likely to report having a conservative political ideology in adulthood. Children with excellent health compared to very poor health were 13 percentage points less likely to report having a liberal political ideology in adulthood. Adults who had excellent health as children were 30 percentage points more likely to report conservative ideology than liberal ideology. However, the difference in ideological position for adults who had very poor childhood health was negligible. That is, the health and ideology relationship is being driven by those who were healthier early in life, after controlling for family income and material wealth. No evidence was found for mediation by adolescent heath, adult heath, adolescent personality traits, or adolescent academic aptitude. The magnitude of the coefficient for childhood health was substantively and statistically equivalent across race and sex. We discuss the possibility that, instead of being mediated, childhood health may actually be a mediator bridging social, environmental, and policy contexts with political ideology. We also discuss the potential of social policy to influence health, which influences ideology (and voting participation), which eventually circles back to influence social policy. It is important to understand the nexus of political life and population health since disparities in voice and power can exacerbate health disparities.

Political parties and mortality: The role of social status and personal responsibility.

Previous research findings across a variety of nations show that affiliation with the conservative party is associated with greater longevity; however, it is thus far unclear what characteristics contribute to this relationship. We examine the political party/mortality relationship in the United States context. The goal of this paper is two-fold: first, we seek to replicate the mortality difference between Republicans and Democrats in two samples, controlling for demographic confounders. Second, we attempt to isolate and test two potential contributors to the relationship between political party affiliation and mortality: (1) socioeconomic status and (2) dispositional traits reflecting a personal responsibility ethos, as described by the Republican party. Graduate and sibling cohorts from the Wisconsin Longitudinal Study were used to estimate mortality risk from 2004 to 2014. In separate Cox proportional hazards models controlling for age and sex, we adjusted first for markers of socioeconomic status (such as wealth and education), then for dispositional traits (such as conscientiousness and active coping), and finally for both socioeconomic status and dispositional traits together. Clogg's method was used to test the statistical significance of attenuation in hazard ratios for each model. In both cohorts, Republicans exhibited lower mortality risk compared to Democrats (Hazard Ratios = 0.79 and 0.73 in graduate and sibling cohorts, respectively [p < 0.05]). This relationship was explained, in part, by socioeconomic status and traits reflecting personal responsibility. Together, socioeconomic factors and dispositional traits account for about 52% (graduates) and 44% (siblings) of Republicans' survival advantage. This study suggests that mortality differences between political parties in the US may be linked to structural and individual determinants of health. These findings highlight the need for better understanding of political party divides in mortality rates.

Political orientation, political environment, and health behaviors in the United States.

Political orientation (Republican/Democrat and conservative/liberal) and political environment (geo-spatial political party affiliated voting patterns) are both associated with various health outcomes, including mortality. Modern disease etiology in the U.S. suggests that many of our health outcomes derive from behaviors and lifestyle choices. Thus, we examine the associations of political orientation and political environment with health behaviors. We used the Annenberg National Health Communication Survey (ANHCS) data, which is a nationally representative U.S. survey fielded continuously from 2005 through 2012. The health behaviors studied include health information search, flu vaccination, excessive alcohol consumption, tobacco consumption, exercise, and dietary patterns. Democrats/liberals had higher odds of cigarette smoking and excessive drinking compared to Republicans/conservatives. Whereas, Republicans/conservatives ate fewer servings and fewer varieties of fruit and vegetables; ate more high fat and processed foods; and engaged in less in-depth health information searches compared to Democrats/liberals. Also, conservatives had lower odds of exercise participation than liberals; whereas Republicans had lower odds of flu vaccination. Greater Republican vote share in the 2008 and 2012 presidential elections at the state and/or county levels was associated with higher odds of flu vaccination and smoking cigarettes and lower odds of avoiding fat/calories, avoiding fast/processed food, eating a variety of fruits and vegetables, and eating more servings of fruit. We use the distinct cognitive-motivational styles attributed to political orientation in discussing the findings. Health communication strategies could leverage these relationships to produce tailored and targeted messages as well as to develop and advocate for policy.

Federally qualified health centers reduce the primary care provider gap in health professional shortage counties.

BACKGROUND: Federally qualified health centers (FQHCs) were designed to provide care in medically underserved areas. Substantial and sustained federal funding has accelerated FQHC growth. PURPOSE: To examine temporal trends in primary care provider supply and whether FQHCs have been successful in reducing the gap in provider supply in primary care health professional shortage areas (HPSAs). METHODS: Retrospective cohort study design using national county-level data from 2009 to 2013. Primary care providers included physicians, nurse practitioners, and physician assistants. FINDINGS: Partial-county HPSAs had the highest average provider supply and the greatest increase, followed by non-HPSA counties and whole-county HPSAs. The provider gap was larger in whole-county HPSAs compared with partial-county HPSAs. Counties with one or more FQHC sites had a smaller provider gap than those without FQHC sites. An increase of one FQHC site was statistically significantly associated with a reduction in the annual provider gap. DISCUSSION: FQHCs reduced the gap in primary care provider supply in shortage counties and mitigated uneven distribution of the primary care workforce.

Who avoids going to the doctor and why? Audience segmentation analysis for application of message development.

This exploratory study examines the prevalent and detrimental health care phenomenon of patient delay in order to inform formative research leading to the design of communication strategies. Delayed medical care diminishes optimal treatment choices, negatively impacts prognosis, and increases medical costs. Various communication strategies have been employed to combat patient delay, with limited success. This study fills a gap in research informing those interventions by focusing on the portion of patient delay occurring after symptoms have been assessed as a sign of illness and the need for medical care has been determined. We used CHAID segmentation analysis to produce homogeneous segments from the sample according to the propensity to avoid medical care. CHAID is a criterion-based predictive cluster analysis technique. CHAID examines a variety of characteristics to find the one most strongly associated with avoiding doctor visits through a chi-squared test and assessment of statistical significance. The characteristics identified then define the segments. Fourteen segments were produced. Age was the first delineating characteristic, with younger age groups comprising a greater proportion of avoiders. Other segments containing a comparatively larger percent of avoiders were characterized by lower income, lower education, being uninsured, and being male. Each segment was assessed for psychographic properties associated with avoiding care, reasons for avoiding care, and trust in health information sources. While the segments display distinct profiles, having had positive provider experiences, having high health self-efficacy, and having an internal rather than external or chance locus of control were associated with low avoidance among several segments. Several segments were either more or less likely to cite time or money as the reason for avoiding care. And several older aged segments were less likely than the remaining sample to trust the government as a source for health information. Implications for future research are discussed.

Predictors of avoiding medical care and reasons for avoidance behavior.

BACKGROUND: Delayed medical care has negative health and economic consequences; interventions have focused on appraising symptoms, with limited success in reducing delay. OBJECTIVE: To identify predictors of care avoidance and reasons for avoiding care. METHODS: Using the Health Information National Trends Survey (2007), we conducted logistic regressions to identify predictors of avoiding medical visits deemed necessary by the respondents; and, we then conducted similar analyses on reasons given for avoidance behavior. Independent variables included geographic, demographic, socioeconomic, personal health, health behavior, health care system, and cognitive characteristics. RESULTS: Approximately one third of adults avoided doctor visits they had deemed necessary. Although unadjusted associations existed, avoiding needed care was not independently associated with geographic, demographic, and socioeconomic characteristics. Avoidance behavior is characterized by low health self-efficacy, less experience with both quality care and getting help with uncertainty about health, having your feelings attended to by your provider, no usual source of care, negative affect, smoking daily, and fatalistic attitude toward cancer. Reasons elicited for avoidance include preference for self-care or alternative care, dislike or distrust of doctors, fear or dislike of medical treatments, time, and money; respondents also endorsed discomfort with body examinations, fear of having a serious illness, and thoughts of dying. Distinct predictors distinguish each of these reasons. CONCLUSIONS: Interventions to reduce patient delay could be improved by addressing the health-related behavioral, belief, experiential, and emotional traits associated with delay. Attention should also be directed toward the interpersonal communications between patients and providers.

Reducing prenatal smoking: the role of state policies.

BACKGROUND: Maternal smoking causes adverse health outcomes for both mothers and infants and leads to excess healthcare costs at delivery and beyond. Even with substantial declines over the past decade, around 23% of women enter pregnancy as a smoker and though almost half quit during pregnancy, half or more quitters resume smoking soon after delivery. PURPOSE: To examine the independent effects of higher cigarette taxes and prices, smokefree policies, and tobacco control spending on maternal smoking prior to, during, and after a pregnancy during a period in which states have made changes in such policies. METHODS: Data from pooled cross-sections of women with live births during 2000-2005 in 29 states plus New York City (n=225,445) were merged with cigarette price data inclusive of federal, state, and local excise taxes, full or partial bans on smoking in public places, and tobacco control spending. Probit regression models using a mixed panel, state fixed effects, and time indicators were used to assess effect of policies on smoking (during 3 months before pregnancy); quitting by last 3 months of pregnancy; and having sustained quitting at the time of completing the postpartum survey. RESULTS: Multivariate analysis indicated that a $1.00 increase in taxes and prices increases third-trimester quits by between 4 and 5 percentage points after controlling for the other policies and covariates. Implementing a full private worksite smoking ban increases quits by the third trimester by an estimated 5 percentage points. Cumulative spending on tobacco control had no effect on pregnancy smoking rates overall. Association of tobacco control policies with maternal smoking varied by age. CONCLUSIONS: States can use multiple tobacco control policies to reduce maternal smoking. Combining higher taxes with smokefree policies particularly can be effective.

Lower-income families pay a higher share of income toward national health care spending than higher-income families do.

All health care spending from public and private sources, such as governments and businesses, is ultimately paid by individuals and families. We calculated the burden of US health care spending on families as a percentage of income and found that at the national level, lower-income families pay a larger share of their incomes toward health care than do higher-income families. Specifically, we found that payments made privately, such as those for health insurance or out-of-pocket spending for care, and publicly, through taxes and tax expenditures, consumed more than 20 percent of family income for families in the lowest-income quintile but no more than 16 percent for families in any other income quintile. Our analysis provides a framework for considering the equity of various initiatives under health reform. Although many effects remain to be seen, we find that, overall, the Affordable Care Act should reduce inequities in the burden of paying for national health care spending.

Medical utilization among wellness consumers.

This study investigates conventional medicine utilization by wellness-motivated, complementary and alternative medicine (CAM) consumers. While CAM consumers are typically characterized as high health care utilizers, negative correlations have been found between CAM-based wellness programs and the consumption of conventional medical care. We use a nationally representative sample to analyze both illness- and wellness-motivated CAM users, with an interest in whether CAM therapies used for wellness replace conventional medicine, thus potentially offering cost offsets. Results indicate that motivation for CAM use is neither associated with a lower probability nor a lower rate of conventional medicine utilization. Increasingly, individuals, workplaces, and governments incorporate wellness programs involving CAM modalities into health care and policy; as the conventional and unconventional medical spheres begin to integrate and influence one another, understanding our pluralistic medical environment and its consumers will better enable policy makers to balance health and wellness initiatives with economic imperatives.