The effect of post-natal mental distress amongst Indian and Pakistani mothers living in England on children's behavioural outcomes.

BACKGROUND: Low socio-economic status (SES), post-natal mental distress and parenting impact child mental health and future well-being. There are unexplained differences in child mental health between South Asian ethnic minority groups living in the UK that may be due to variation in, and differential mediation of, these factors. METHODS: We used multivariate multiple regression analysis of the effect of symptoms of mental distress, socio-demographic variables and warmth of parenting on child internalizing and externalizing scores at age seven (measured in 2010) in a population cohort of English children whose mothers were of Indian (n = 211) and Pakistani (n = 260) origin. RESULTS: In the fully adjusted models the legacy of mental distress was visible for both internalizing (ß coefficient 1.52, P = 0.04) and externalizing (1.68, P = 0.01) behaviour in the Pakistani children, and on the Indian children's internalizing (2.08, P = 0.008) but not externalizing (0.84, P = 0.204) behaviour. Lower SES was associated with worse behavioural scores for the Pakistani children, and warmth of parenting on Indian children's externalizing scores. CONCLUSIONS: Symptoms of post-natal mental distress are associated with Indian and Pakistani child outcomes at age seven. The finding that warmth of parenting had a stronger association on Indian children's externalizing scores than mental distress might be explained by differences in the expression of SES on family characteristics and functioning between the two ethnic groups.

Maternal general health and children's cognitive development and behaviour in the early years: findings from the Millennium Cohort Study.

BACKGROUND: Mothers often experience physical and psychological difficulties during the post-natal period and these may continue through the early years of raising children and have negative effects on engagement and caregiving. Pathways between maternal depression, parental engagement and caregiving and children's subsequent development have been described in longitudinal studies; yet, less is known about how other aspects of maternal health may influence children's development. METHODS: A longitudinal analysis within the Millennium Cohort Study was conducted including 7906 families from England. Maternal general health and psychological well-being were assessed when their children were 9 months and 3 years old, socio-demographic characteristics were assessed at 9 months, and engagement and caregiving were assessed at 3 years. These were examined as predictors of children's learning and development and behaviour at age 5. RESULTS: There are clear associations between maternal general health and children's development with regard to both learning and development and behaviour. These effects are reduced if psychological distress is taken into account; yet, maternal general health maintains importance as a predictor for children's subsequent development. There is evidence of an association via engagement and caregiving which links maternal health to children's development and evidence of the influence of underlying socio-demographic disadvantage. CONCLUSION: General maternal health as well as psychological well-being during the early years of raising children may be influential for children's development. This study suggests the need for a broader recognition of maternal health as well as psychological well-being as a foundation for family well-being, and speaks to support for mothers in maintaining engagement and caregiving for their children during periods of ill health.

Becoming a young parent: a longitudinal study of associated factors.

Teenage fertility rates in the UK are amongst the highest in Europe and have not altered significantly in the last 15 years, but the proportion of births outside marriage has risen rapidly. In this study we used longitudinal data from the National Child Development Study (NCDS) to investigate the social, economic and educational backgrounds of young parents. The analysis showed there to be striking variations in the probabilities of becoming young parents but not with respect to whether the child was born within or outside marriage. Young mothers and fathers were more likely to come from economically disadvantaged families and to have lower educational attainment. Teenage mothers were more likely to have mothers who had a child in her teens and were more likely to have exhibited higher levels of emotional problems particularly in adolescence. Young women whose educational attainment scores deteriorated between childhood and adolescence had particularly high probabilities of becoming young mothers. For some teenage motherhood was unintended and the result of unprotected intercourse whilst other men and women who subsequently become young parents had expressed a preference for early parenthood whilst still at school.

The long-term effects of parental divorce on the mental health of young adults: a developmental perspective.

The effects of parental divorce during childhood and adolescence on the mental health of young adults (age 23) were examined, using the National Child Development Study (NCDS), a longitudinal, multimethod, nationally representative survey of all children born in Great Britain during 1 week in 1958 (N = 17,414). Children were assessed at birth and subsequently followed up at ages 7, 11, 16, and 23 by means of maternal and child interviews, and by psychological, school, and medical assessments. Parental divorce had a moderate, long-term negative impact on adult mental health, as measured by the Malaise Inventory total score, and controlling for economic status, children's emotional problems, and school performance preceding marital dissolution. The likelihood of scoring above the clinical cutoff of the Malaise Inventory rose from 8% to 11% due to parental divorce. This indicated that the relative risk of serious emotional disorders increased in the aftermath of divorce, but that the large majority of individuals did not exhibit such risks. Path analyses revealed that the negative effects of divorce on adult mental health operated indirectly through higher emotional problems and lower levels of school achievement and family economic status at age 16. Results related to timing of divorce, remarriage, and interactions between age 7 emotional problems and divorce, and between age 7 emotional problems and child gender, are also discussed.

Parental divorce in childhood and demographic outcomes in young adulthood.

We investigated the long-term effects of parental divorce in childhood on demographic outcomes in young adulthood, using a British longitudinal national survey of children. Our analyses control for predisruption characteristics of the child and the family, including emotional problems, cognitive achievement, and socioeconomic status. The results show that by age 23, those whose parents divorced were more likely to leave home because of friction, to cohabit, and to have a child outside marriage than were those whose parents did not divorce. Young adults whose parents divorced, however, were no more or less likely to marry or to have a child in a marriage. Moreover, even in the divorced group, the great majority did not leave home because of friction or have a child outside marriage.

Longitudinal studies of effects of divorce on children in Great Britain and the United States.

National, longitudinal surveys from Great Britain and the United States were used to investigate the effects of divorce on children. In both studies, a subsample of children who were in two-parent families during the initial interview (at age 7 in the British data and at ages 7 to 11 in the U.S. data) were followed through the next interview (at age 11 and ages 11 to 16, respectively). At both time points in the British data, parents and teachers independently rated the children's behavior problems, and the children were given reading and mathematics achievement tests. At both time points in the U.S. data, parents rated the children's behavior problems. Children whose parents divorced or separated between the two time points were compared to children whose families remained intact. For boys, the apparent effect of separation or divorce on behavior problems and achievement at the later time point was sharply reduced by considering behavior problems, achievement levels, and family difficulties that were present at the earlier time point, before any of the families had broken up. For girls, the reduction in the apparent effect of divorce occurred to a lesser but still noticeable extent once preexisting conditions were considered.

Who remains childless?

Who are the men and women who are childless in their mid-30s? Life history data for a British cohort born in 1946 show that age at marriage and marital breakdown were clearly associated with childlessness. Women who were only children were more likely to be childless than those with siblings. Further, early menarcheal age, being highly qualified and having a high status occupation were indirectly related to childlessness. For men, particularly amongst those who had experienced a broken marriage, it was the most ambitious, the highly educated and those in professional occupations who were relatively more likely to be childless.

PIP: Life history data for a British cohort born in 1946 show that age at marriage and marital breakdown were clearly associated with childlessness. Women who were only children were more likely to be childless than those with siblings. Further, early menarcheal age, being highly qualified and having a high status occupation were indirectly related to childlessness. For men, particularly amongst those who had experienced a broken marriage, it was the most ambitious, the highly educated, and those in professional occupations who were relatively more likely to be childless. Amongst both men and women in intact marriages, age at marriage was the most important factor, amongst the few that could be identified, that was related to the probability of being childless at age 36. Exposure time is unlikely to be the explanation for these differences as all had been married for some 10 years or more. This suggests that social and psychological factors that promote later marriage may be part of the same set that promote more negative attitudes to childbearing.

The British family: contemporary trends and issues.

PIP: Trends in family characteristics in Britain are discussed using data from official and other published sources. Separate consideration is given to marriage patterns, particularly marriage age and marriage postponement; the rise in consensual unions; fertility and illegitimacy; divorce; single parent families; and location of children under age 18. The effects of the employment situation on families as well as the future of social policies are also briefly examined.^ieng

Age at puberty in relation to age at marriage and parenthood: a national longitudinal study.

A longitudinal study of a British cohort has collected information on puberty, judged by menarcheal age for the girls and the pubertal stage of the boys at age 14 3/4. This information has now been related to the ages at which these young people married and became parents. For the young men there was evidence of a direct relationship between degree of sexual maturity at age 14 3/4 and their ages at entry into marriage and fatherhood. For the young women, if pregnancy did not intervene between menarche and marriage, there was evidence of a direct relationship between menarcheal age and marriage age. But there was no evidence that these earlier-maturing young women became mothers at earlier ages than later maturers. This arose through the later-maturing young women having shorter first birth intervals than the earlier maturers. Premarital conceptions were also more prevalent amongst the later maturers.

Chronic cough in young adults in relation to smoking habits, childhood environment and chest illness.

A survey of the respiratory symptoms and smoking habits of a population of 20-year-olds- followed since birth- was repeated when they reached the age of 25. The association of cough prevalence with current smoking habits and with lower respiratory tract illness in childhood found in the survey at age 20 was confirmed and in each instance appears to have increased in strength over the 5 years. At age 25, however, the prevalence of cough was associated at a statistically significant level with fathers' occupation; and this association with social class of origin could not be explained by persisting differences in social status based on the educational levels attained by early adult life. The association with exposure to air pollution in childhood, although more obvious than before, could be due to chance. The prevalence of cough increased between the ages of 20 and 25 among those who smoked throughout or who started to smoke during this period. It declined for those who never smoked and for those who were smoking at 20 but had given up by 25. The implications of these changing patterns of respiratory disease behaviour at a crucial stage between adolescence and adult life are briefly discussed.