Postponing old age: Evidence for historical change toward a later perceived onset of old age.

"At what age would you describe someone as old?" Perceptions of when old age begins might be prone to upward shifts because of historical increases in life expectancy and in retirement age, as well as because of better psychosocial functioning in later life. We investigated historical changes in within-person trajectories of the perceived onset of old age using data from 14,056 participants who entered the German Ageing Survey at age 40-85 years and who completed up to eight assessments across 25 years. Using longitudinal multilevel regression models, we found that at age 64, the average perceived onset of old age is at about age 75 years. Longitudinally, this perceived onset age increased by about 1 year for every 4-5 years of actual aging. We also found evidence for historical change. Compared to the earliest-born cohorts, later-born cohorts reported a later perceived onset of old age, yet with decelerating trend among more recent birth cohorts. Within-person increases of the perceived onset of old age were steeper in later-born cohorts. The described cohort trends were only slightly reduced when controlling for covariates. Being younger, male, living in East Germany, feeling older, reporting more loneliness, more chronic diseases, and poorer self-rated health were each associated with a perceived earlier onset of old age. Our results suggest that there is a nonlinear historical trend toward a later perceived onset of old age, which might have meaningful implications for individuals' perspectives on aging and old age. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

Internalization or Dissociation? Negative Age Stereotypes Make You Feel Younger Now But Make You Feel Older Later.

OBJECTIVES: Negative age stereotypes have negative, assimilative effects on the subjective aging experience due to internalization processes, but sometimes positive contrast effects are reported as well, reflecting dissociation and downward comparisons. Our aim was thus to compare short-term and long-term consequences of age stereotypes on the subjective aging experience, to test the hypothesis that contrast effects are visible cross-sectionally, whereas internalization processes are observed when considering long-term changes. METHODS: We assessed age stereotypes and subjective age in a core sample of N = 459 participants (initial age range 30-80 years) from the Ageing as Future project across 3 consecutive measurement occasions spanning a longitudinal interval of 10 years. Short-term and long-term effects were estimated with latent growth models by assessing the effects of age stereotypes on the intercepts (cross-sectional) and on the slopes (longitudinal) of subjective age, respectively, while controlling for current self-views. RESULTS: Age stereotypes had opposite effects on subjective age depending on the time frame. A cross-sectional contrast effect was found, whereas longitudinal effects were assimilative in nature. DISCUSSION: Our findings support the time-dependent nature of the effects of age stereotypes on the subjective aging experience. Negative age stereotypes temporarily lead to a significantly younger subjective age, indicating dissociation from one's age group and downward comparison. In the long run, however, negative (positive) age stereotypes become internalized into the self-views of older people and are linked to a relatively older (younger) subjective age.

Subjective age, worry and risk-related perceptions in older adults in times of a pandemic.

During the Covid-19 pandemic, older people have been in the spotlight of the public debate. Given their higher risk of severe outcomes of the disease, they have been described as especially vulnerable and as a burden to others and society. We thus wanted to investigate how older people's perception of their own age, that is their subjective age, as well as their Covid-19 related risks and worries were related during the pandemic and whether these relationships varied according to participants' subjective health. We used data from the longitudinal CRISIS study which was conducted in the Grand-Duchy of Luxembourg in June and October 2020. Participants were aged 60-98 and responded on questionnaires regarding their subjective age, worry of falling ill with Covid-19, perceived risk of contracting the virus, perceived risk of falling seriously ill if they contracted Covid-19, as well as their subjective health and covariates. Three cross-lagged panel models were constructed to explore the longitudinal, bidirectional relationships between the variables. Cross-sectionally, a higher subjective age was related to more perceived risk of a serious course of disease. Longitudinally, subjective age and worry did not show any significant association over time, and neither did subjective age and perceived risk of contracting the virus. However, subjective health significantly moderated the relationship of worry and subjective age, showing different trajectories in the relationship depending on whether subjective health was good or bad. Higher perceived risk of falling seriously ill increased subjective age over time. Again, subjective health moderated this relationship: the perceived risk of falling seriously ill affected subjective age only for those with better subjective health. Our findings show the interactive relationship between subjective age and Covid-19 related cognitions and emotions and provide guidance for identifying older people that are most susceptible for negative age-related communication during the pandemic.

Momentary subjective age is associated with perceived and physiological stress in the daily lives of old and very old adults.

Subjective age, that is the age people feel in relation to their chronological age, can vary on a day-to-day and even momentary basis. Previous long-term and daily-diary studies have shown that elevated stress covaries with older subjective age. However, it is an open question whether such links can also be observed at the momentary level within a given day and go beyond self-reports of stress. Moving ahead, we investigated how two indicators of stress (self-reported: perceived stress; physiological: salivary cortisol) are associated with the age people feel on a momentary basis. We examined data from 118 older (Mage = 66.67 years) and 36 very old adults (Mage = 85.92 years) who reported their momentary subjective age and perceived stress and also provided saliva samples up to seven times a day over seven consecutive days. Dynamic structural equation models showed that both higher momentary perceived stress and higher cortisol levels preceding the measurement predicted an older momentary subjective age. In contrast, subjective age at the previous measurement did not predict subsequent stress. These effects were moderated by participant age group and grip strength, albeit not consistently. Our results corroborate and extend earlier findings that both self-reported and physiological stress are important explanatory variables for people's subjective age variation even on relatively short time scales and shed light on differential time-ordered dynamics between stress and subjective age in daily life. Findings also inform theoretical models of subjective age that highlight the importance of contextual, momentary influences on how old people feel and help better understand how biological and psychological processes are intertwined in later life. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved).

Awareness of Age-Related Changes Among Middle-Aged and Older Adults: Longitudinal Trajectories, and the Role of Age Stereotypes and Personality Traits.

Awareness of Age-Related Change (AARC) describes to what extent people become aware of changes which they attribute to getting older. So far little is known regarding how different AARC dimensions change over time, to what extent these changes in different domains of AARC gains and losses are interrelated, and which predictors account for inter-individual differences in within-person longitudinal trajectories. Specifically, the extent to which individuals perceive age-related gains and losses might be shaped by their chronological age, their personality as well as by their general views on aging (i.e., their age stereotypes). We investigated changes in global and domain-specific AARC gains and losses over about five years in a sample of originally N = 423 participants aged 40 to 98 years at baseline. We analyzed the role of personality traits and age stereotypes for levels and changes of AARC, taking into account participants' age at baseline and controlling for gender, education, and subjective health. Based on longitudinal multilevel regression models, we observed mean-level declines in most AARC gain domains. In contrast, perceived general AARC losses, as well as AARC losses in health and physical functioning, in cognitive functioning and in social-cognitive/socio-emotional functioning remained, on average, stable over time. Baseline scores on AARC gains (global scale) were higher among individuals with higher neuroticism, openness, conscientiousness and more positive age stereotypes. Additionally, the association of higher neuroticism with higher AARC gain scores was stronger among individuals with more positive age stereotypes. Higher neuroticism and more negative age stereotypes also predicted higher baseline scores on AARC losses (global scale). At the same time, higher neuroticism was associated with a steeper decrease in AARC loss perceptions over time. Most of the intercorrelations within the intercepts and within the intra-individual trajectories of the different AARC domains were positive, but small in size. Our findings show the importance of considering trajectories of age-related gains and losses in parallel and across multiple developmental domains when investigating the subjective perception of the aging process. They also suggest that personality traits and general age stereotypes are related with individual experiences of aging.

A Chip Off the Old Block? The Relationship of Family Factors and Young Adults' Views on Aging.

Views on aging (VoA), such as self-perceptions of aging or age stereotypes are generated in early childhood and continue to develop throughout the entire lifespan. The ideas a person has about their own aging and aging in general influence their behavior toward older persons as well as their own actual aging, which is why VoA are already important in adolescence and young adulthood. The current study investigates VoA of young adults in different domains (continued growth, physical decline, social loss) and how different family aspects are related to VoA. From February to March 2021, N = 305 young adults [aged 18-30 years, M age(SD) = 22.20 (2.60)] participated in an online survey, in which, in addition to sociodemographic variables and family aspects (contact with grandparents, family age climate, i.e., the frequency and valence of talking about age in the family), self-perceptions of aging, age stereotypes, and the young adults' ratings of their parents' VoA were assessed. The results of stepwise regression analyses predicting the young adults' VoA, revealed significant associations between the quality of contact with grandparents and the self-perceptions of aging of young adults. However, the frequency of contact was neither related to young adults' self-perceptions of aging nor age stereotypes. Grandparents' health status emerged as a significant moderator between the relationship of contact quality and the young adults' self-perceptions of aging as continued growth and physical decline. Family climate was also found to be significantly related to young adults' self-perceptions of aging. Similarities regarding VoA within the family were demonstrated, based on proxy report from the respondents. The results underline the importance of family aspects for the development of VoA in young adulthood, and the significance of interventions targeting these factors to combat ageism.

Longitudinal associations between perceived stress and views on aging: Evidence for reciprocal relations.

Views on aging (VoA) are meaningful predictors of well-being, health, cognitive impairment, and mortality. One underlying pathway could be that negative VoA promote perceived stress. However, little is known about the role of stress perceptions as an antecedent of personal VoA. In this study, we therefore investigated the longitudinal reciprocal association between perceived stress and three established constructs representing personal VoA: (a) subjective age; (b) attitude toward own aging (ATOA); and (c) aging-related cognitions comprising social loss, physical decline, and continuous growth. We also examined whether these associations are moderated by chronological age. Two adjacent measurement occasions (2014 and 2017) of the German Ageing Survey with 4,588 individuals aged between 40 and 95 years were analyzed. Cross-lagged models controlling for VoA and perceived stress at baseline, chronological age, subjective health, depressive symptoms, education, gender, region of residence, and year of individual study entry revealed significant reciprocal longitudinal relations between VoA and perceived stress. For three of the five VoA indicators, the pathway from perceived stress to subsequent VoA was of the same magnitude as the reversed pathway. With increasing chronological age, ATOA was less strongly associated with subsequent stress perceptions. Moreover, the impact of higher perceived stress on an older subjective age was weaker with advancing age. In conclusion, the trend in prior subjective aging research to conceptualize stress in midlife and old age exclusively as a consequence of VoA needs reconsideration, as higher perceived stress levels also seem to be a risk factor for less favorable personal VoA. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2021 APA, all rights reserved).

Correction to: The uniqueness of subjective ageing: convergent and discriminant validity.

[This corrects the article DOI: 10.1007/s10433-019-00529-7.].

Correction to: Views on ageing: a lifespan perspective.

[This corrects the article DOI: 10.1007/s10433-019-00535-9.].

Perceived Ageism During the Covid-19-Crisis Is Longitudinally Related to Subjective Perceptions of Aging.

Ageism in media and society has increased sharply during the Covid-19-crisis, with expected negative consequences for the health and well-being of older adults. The current study investigates whether perceived ageism during the crisis longitudinally affects how people perceive their own aging. In June 2020, N = 611 older adults from Luxembourg [aged 60-98 years, Mage (SD) = 69.92(6.97)] participated in a survey on their perception of the crisis. In October 2020, N = 523 participated in a second measurement occasion. Participants reported on perceived ageism during the crisis in different domains, their self-perceptions of aging and subjective age. In latent longitudinal regression models, we predicted views on aging at T2 with perceived ageism at T1, while controlling for baseline views on aging and covariates. Perceived ageism at T1 increased self-perceptions of aging as social loss and yielded a trend for physical decline, while there were no effects on subjective age and self-perceptions of aging as continued growth. Views on aging are powerful predictors of well-being and health outcomes in later life. Our data suggest that being the target of ageism during the crisis negatively affects older adults' self-perceptions of aging and this impact may be felt beyond the current crisis.

Ageism and older people's health and well-being during the Covid-19-pandemic: the moderating role of subjective aging.

In the Covid-19 pandemic, being older means being in a special focus: Probabilities for severe infections and mortality rise with increasing age and protective measures for this population group have been increased. This was accompanied by public discourse that portrayed older adults stereotypically as vulnerable and frail but also highlighted the hardships younger people have to endure to protect them. Given the possibly detrimental effects of ageism on individuals and societies, we were interested in older adults' perception of ageism in the Corona-crisis and its relation to their health and well-being. Furthermore, we were interested in subjective aging variables as moderators in the ageism-health relationship. In June 2020, N = 611 independently living people aged 60 + from the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg were recruited via a survey research institute and interviewed online or by phone. They reported on perceived ageism in different contexts, their life satisfaction, subjective health, subjective age and self-perceptions of aging. Depending on context, ageism was perceived by around 20% of participants, and overall negatively related to subjective health and life satisfaction after the onset of the pandemic. Moderated hierarchical regressions showed that a younger subjective age buffered the negative effect of ageism on subjective health, while perceiving aging as social loss increased its effect on life satisfaction. We discuss the importance of addressing and reducing ageism (not only) in times of crisis and the consequences for individuals and societies.

"I felt so old this morning." Short-term variations in subjective age and the role of trait subjective age: Evidence from the ILSE/EMIL ecological momentary assessment data.

Subjective age, how old people feel compared to their chronological age, is a central indicator of age identity and highly predictive for developmental outcomes. While mostly used as a trait-like concept in previous research, recent studies employing experimental designs and daily assessments suggest that subjective age can vary after experimental manipulations or between days. However, less is known about whether subjective age varies over even shorter time frames such as within moments on a given day, how such short-term variability differs by age and its association with trait subjective age. We examined these questions with data obtained from 123 young-old (Mage = 67.19 years) and 47 old-old adults (Mage = 86.59 years) who reported their momentary subjective age six times a day over 7 consecutive days as they were going about their everyday lives. Participants felt younger on a large majority of occasions, and 25% of the total variability in subjective age could be attributed to within-person variation. Within-person variability in subjective age amounted to an average of about 3 years from one moment to the next and did not differ between age groups. However, those with younger trait subjective ages exhibited larger moment-to-moment variation. Our findings extend the literature on subjective age by showing that how old people feel can vary on a momentary basis and that state and trait components of subjective age are related. Further research should investigate the contextual predictors of variability in subjective age and the links between trait and state concepts and developmental outcomes. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2021 APA, all rights reserved).

The Effects of Age Stereotypes on Physical and Mental Health Are Mediated by Self-perceptions of Aging.

OBJECTIVES: Although the evidence linking views on aging (VoA) with aging outcomes is robust, little is known about how different types of VoA may interact to influence such outcomes. Therefore, this study examined two types of VoA, age stereotypes (AS), representing general VoA, and self-perceptions of aging (SPA), representing personal VoA. We operationalized SPA in terms of awareness of age-related change (AARC), distinguishing between gain- and loss-related SPA (e.g., awareness of positive and negative age-related changes, respectively). Based on theoretical reasoning, we hypothesized that AS would be an antecedent of SPA, and that the effect of AS on physical and mental health would be mediated by SPA. METHOD: A total of 819 German and U.S. adults aged 40-98 completed a survey on VoA, physical health, and mental health at baseline and 2.5 years later. Structural equation modeling with latent variables was used to examine the effects of Time 1 AS (predictor) and Time 2 gain- and loss-related SPA (mediators) on physical and mental health outcomes. RESULTS: As hypothesized, AS predicted later SPA. Loss-related SPA mediated the effect of AS on physical health; both gain- and loss-related SPA mediated the effect of AS on mental health. DISCUSSION: Congruent with theoretical assumptions, our findings provide empirical support for a directional pathway by which AS shape later SPA. We conclude that AS and SPA may affect physical health outcomes more strongly than mental health outcomes. Studies that assess both types of VoA are needed to illuminate the pathways by which VoA influence aging outcomes.

Views on ageing: a lifespan perspective.

Views on ageing (VoA) have special relevance for the ageing process by influencing health, well-being, and longevity. Although VoA form early in life, so far, most research has concentrated on how VoA affect later middle-aged and older adults. In this theoretical article, we argue that a lifespan approach is needed in order to more fully understand the origins of VoA, how they change over ontogenetic time, and how they shape development across the full breadth of the lifespan. We begin by explicitly linking VoA to fundamental principles of lifespan development. We review existing theories of VoA and discuss their respective contributions and limitations. We then outline a lifespan approach to VoA that integrates existing theories and addresses some of their limitations. We elaborate on three core propositions of a lifespan approach to VoA: (1) VoA develop as the result of a dynamic, ongoing, and complex interaction between biological-evolutionary, psychological, and social-contextual factors; however, the relative importance of different sources changes across the lifespan; (2) VoA impact development across the whole lifespan; however, different outcomes, mechanisms, and time frames need to be considered in order to describe and understand their effects; and (3) VoA are multidimensional, multidirectional, and multifunctional throughout life, but their complexity, meaning, and adaptivity change across the lifespan. We conclude with recommendations for future lifespan research on VoA.

Young people feel wise and older people feel energetic: comparing age stereotypes and self-evaluations across adulthood.

We use questionnaire data from the MIDUS study (N = 6325 and a subsample n = 2120) to examine the extent to which people in their late 20s, late 40s and late 60s think that positive characteristics apply to themselves, their age peers and other age groups. Results based on factor analysis confirmed the existence of age stereotypes, such that one constellation of characteristics (wise, caring, calm, knowledgeable, generative; "wise") was seen as more descriptive of older adults, while another constellation of characteristics (energetic, healthy, willing to learn; "energetic") was seen as more descriptive of younger adults. Self-evaluations were, however, highly positive and largely independent of age. As a group, younger adults saw themselves as being as "energetic" but "wiser" than their age peers, while older adults saw themselves as being more "energetic" but less "wise" than their age peers. In sum, the results suggest that self-views are relatively independent of existing age stereotypes but also indicate that the "better-than-average effect" depends on age and whether the considered characteristics represent a relative strength or weakness of one's own age group. The results also indicate that, at the aggregate level, older adults' tendency to use stereotypes about their age group's weaknesses as a frame of reference for making flattering self-evaluations seems to outweigh the effects of stereotype internalization.

The uniqueness of subjective ageing: convergent and discriminant validity.

Although a large body of research has demonstrated the predictive power of subjective ageing for several decisive developmental outcomes, there remains some controversy about whether subjective ageing truly represents a unique construct. Thus, information about the convergent and discriminant validity of different approaches to measuring subjective ageing is still critically needed. Using data from the 2014 wave of the German Ageing Survey, we examined how three established subjective ageing measures (subjective age, global attitude toward own ageing, multidimensional ageing-related cognitions) were inter-related as well as distinct from general dispositions (optimism, self-efficacy) and well-being (negative affect, depressive symptoms, self-rated health). Using correlational and multivariate regression analysis, we found that the three subjective ageing measures were significantly inter-related (r = |.09| to |.30|), and that each measure was distinct from general dispositions and well-being. The overlap with dispositional and well-being measures was lowest for subjective age and highest for global attitudes towards own ageing. The correlation between global attitudes towards own ageing and optimism was particularly striking. Despite the high convergent validity of the different dimensions of ageing cognitions, we nevertheless observed stronger associations between specific dimensions of ageing cognitions with negative affect and self-rated health. We conclude that researchers should be aware of the multidimensional nature of subjective ageing. Furthermore, subjective age appears to be a highly aggregated construct and future work is needed to clarify its correlates and reference points.

Domain-Specific Views on Aging and Preparation for Age-Related Changes-Development and Validation of Three Brief Scales.

OBJECTIVES: We developed brief versions of our questionnaires to assess domain-specific views on aging (age stereotypes and future self-views) and preparation for age-related changes. METHODS: The brief scales were validated in an online study with N = 301 participants aged 23-88 years. RESULTS: Mean values across domains show a differentiated picture for all 3 constructs, yielding evidence for the multidimensionality of views on aging and preparation for age-related changes. Rating profiles for the brief versions were similar to the long versions of the questionnaires, attesting to the equivalence of the brief and long scales. Within-domain correlations between the 3 constructs were also higher than between-domain correlations, further substantiating the claim of domain-specificity with regard to the predictive validity of the brief scales. DISCUSSION: The new brief versions of the scales can be recommended for a differentiated assessment of views on aging and preparation for age-related changes when short forms of measurement are required.

The interplay of personality and attitudes toward own aging across two decades of later life.

Big Five personality traits are assumed to be linked with attitudes toward own aging. Since both constructs have central importance for the aging process, it is surprising that to our knowledge no study so far comprehensively addressed their mutual connection over time. We used data from the ILSE study, a longitudinal study capturing personality and attitudes toward own aging at four measurement occasions, spanning 20 years and including two participant cohorts in midlife (n = 501; born 1950-52) and later life (n = 500; born 1930-32). Dual latent change score models showed that personality was longitudinally related to change in attitudes toward own aging: Lower Neuroticism, higher Conscientiousness, and higher Openness predicted more positive attitudes, whereas the direction of the effect for Extraversion varied by time. Furthermore, the role of personality seems to be confined to certain sensitive periods in midlife and early old age. Contrary to our expectations, attitudes toward own aging had only marginal longitudinal impact on the Big Five. Our results shed light on the developmental co-dynamics of personality and subjective perceptions of aging across the second half of the lifespan.

Preparation for Old Age: The Role of Cultural Context and Future Perceptions.

OBJECTIVES: Preparation for age-related changes is a central task in midlife and older age and a determinant of functioning and well-being in later life. If and how people prepare is influenced by societal and institutional circumstances and also by beliefs about aging and the future. METHOD: We assessed domain-specific preparation for age-related changes in samples from three countries with high population aging but different premises regarding preparation, and analyzed data from N = 1,830 individuals aged 35-85 years from urban regions in Germany, the United States, as well as China (Hong Kong). RESULTS: Preparation was universally low in China, but the amount of differences between countries varied depending on life domain. While we found pronounced differences between all three countries for domains related to public provision (such as health care, work, and finances), East-West differences in preparation emerged for domains regarding social relations and end-of-life concerns. The concreteness of time perspective and future self-views mediated country differences in preparation. DISCUSSION: Our results speak for the culture-specificity of preparing for old age and we deliver evidence on psychological variables that might explain these differences.