A study guided by the Health Belief Model of the predictors of breast cancer screening of women ages 40 and older.

In late 1987, a total of 852 Rhode Island women ages 40 and older were interviewed by telephone (78 percent response rate) to measure their use of breast cancer screening and to investigate potential predictors of use. Predictors included the women's socioeconomic status, use of medical care, a provider's reported recommendations for screening, and the women's health beliefs about breast cancer and mammography. The Health Belief Model guided the construction of the interview questions and data analysis. Logistic regression was used to identify leading independent predictors of breast cancer screening according to contemporary recommendations: reporting that a medical provider had ever recommended a screening mammogram (odds ratio [OR] = 18.77), having received gynecological care in the previous year (OR = 4.92), having a regular source of gynecological care (OR = 2.63), having ever had a diagnostic mammogram (OR = 2.32), and perceiving mammography as safe enough to have annually (OR = 1.93). The findings suggest that programs intended to increase the use of breast cancer screening should include "inreach" and "outreach" elements; inreach to patients with established patient-provider relationships, by assuring that physicians recommend screening to all eligible patients, and outreach to all eligible women, by helping them overcome barriers to effective primary care, and by promoting mammography, emphasizing its effectiveness and safety. The findings also suggest that socioeconomically disadvantaged women, who are less likely to be screened than other women, should become special targets of inreach and outreach interventions.

Effects of Maine's 1981 and Massachusetts' 1982 driving-under-the-influence legislation.

In 1981, Maine passed a drunk driving law with mandatory penalties and a new civil charge to increase the conviction rate. One year later, Massachusetts increased drunk driving penalties, particularly for repeat offenders and intoxicated drivers involved in fatal crashes. In Maine, single-vehicle nighttime fatal crashes declined 22 per cent the year before passage of the law, and 33 per cent the year after. Maine's rates returned to pre-law levels by the third post-law year. Prior to Massachusetts' new law, single-vehicle nighttime and overall fatal crashes there also declined 20% and 22%, whereas after this law fatal crash rates did not decline further compared with the pre-law year or other New England states. Pre- and post-law surveys indicate that both laws were followed by some increases in public perceptions that drunk drivers stopped by police would be arrested, convicted, and receive automatic penalties. But, few believed it was very likely that drunk drivers would be stopped. For only two of three years studied after Maine's law did more people there report decisions not to drive because they had drunk too much. In Massachusetts, reported driving after heavy drinking declined as much the year before as the three years after its law.