Preference for emotionally meaningful activity in Alzheimer's disease.

Objectives: Socioemotional selectivity theory (SST) contends that future time perspective is the central determinant of healthy older adults' prioritization of emotional gratification. We have shown elsewhere that individuals with Alzheimer's disease (AD) are disoriented to future time perspective. This study examined whether these same participants would prioritize emotional gratification despite having distorted time perspective. Method: Performance of individuals with Alzheimer's disease (AD) was compared against young, young-old, and old-old adults on a social activity preference card-sort task. We examined whether activity preferences differentially related to subjective wellbeing. Results: Multidimensional scaling revealed common dimensions along which groups considered social activities. The importance of these dimensions varied across healthy participant groups in ways predicted by SST. Dimensions related to knowledge acquisition were more important in youth than older age; emotional dimensions were more important to the older age groups. Despite AD, these individuals also prioritzed emotional gratification, suggesting that cognitive impairment is not a barrier to socioemotional selectivity. Preference for emotionally meaningful activities was positively associated with subjective wellbeing. Conclusion: Persons with AD are motivated towards emotionally meaningful ends and retain high levels of wellbeing. These findings have implications in the caregiving context for shaping social programs to better match goals and preferences.

Time perspective and positivity effects in Alzheimer's disease.

This study tested whether time perspective, a central tenant of socioemotional selectivity theory (Carstensen, 2006), moderates positivity effects in emotional memory. To provide measures of time perspective, young (YA; M = 22.48 years), young-old (YO; M = 67.56 years), old-old adults (OO; M = 80.24 years), and participants with moderate severity Alzheimer's disease (PAD; M = 84.28 years) completed a line task and reported subjective age. As expected, YA, YO, and OO reported successively more constrained future time perspectives. PAD showed distortion in time perspective, envisioning a future comparable with the YO, although closer matched in chronological age to OO adults. To evince positivity effects, participants were oriented to pairs of emotional images and were then tested for memory (recall and recognition) of the images. Recall and recognition memory for the images indicated an age-related advantage for positive over negative material (positivity effects). Time perspective, however, did not moderate these age effects. In memory performance, PAD were more comparable with OO adults with whom they shared a similar chronological age, rather than YO adults, who had a corresponding time perspective. These results suggest that age correlates that are shared by PAD and OO, such as reduced processing resources, rather than time perspective, may drive the age associated positivity effects. (PsycINFO Database Record

Beliefs about aging and Alzheimer's disease in three domains.

This repeated measures study examined undergraduate students' beliefs about aging and Alzheimer's disease (AD) in the cognitive, social, and physical domains. Students rated typical 25-year-olds (young target), typical 75-year-olds (old target), and typical institutionalized persons with AD (AD target) on 46 statements about cognitive, physical, and social abilities. Beliefs about aging were found to be generally negative in the cognitive and physical domains but positive in the social domain, consistent with the age-stereotyping literature. Interestingly, by comparing ratings of old and AD targets, beliefs were found to be generally negative in the cognitive and social domains but positive in the physical domain. AD is perceived to be a disease primarily of the mind, but in comparison to differences expected with aging, physical prowess is enhanced. Documenting beliefs, a first step toward modifying stereotyped behaviour, could have significant effects on the health and well-being of older adults and persons with AD.

Judging older targets' discourse: how do age stereotypes influence evaluations?

Young adults viewed then read either good or poor descriptions of a cartoon under the guise that the descriptions were produced by young (aged 21 years), young-old (aged 65 years), or old-old persons (aged 81 years). On a rating of quality, description type interacted with target age. For young targets, good descriptions were judged as good (assimilation to expectation) and poor were rated as very poor (a contrast effect). For young-old targets, for whom expectations were lower than for young targets but not as low as for old-old targets, good performance was perceived as very good and poor performance very poor (contrast effects). For old-old targets for whom negative age stereotyping would lead to lowest expectations for performance, poor was rated as poor (assimilation to expectation) but good performance was rated as very good (a contrast effect). Young raters use a shifting standard to judge the performance of older people.