Navigating accent variability: 24-month-olds recognize known words spoken in an unfamiliar accent but require additional support to learn new words.

As infants learn their native languages, they must also learn to contend with variability across speakers of those languages. Here, we examine 24-month-olds' ability to process speech in an unfamiliar accent. We demonstrate that 24-month-olds successfully identify the referents of known words in unfamiliar-accented speech but cannot use known words alone to infer new word meanings. However, when the novel word occurs in a supportive referential context, with the target referent visually available, 24-month-olds successfully learn new word-referent mappings. Thus, 24-month-olds recognize and learn words in unfamiliar accents, but unfamiliar-accented speech may pose challenges for more sophisticated language processing strategies.

Preschoolers benefit from sentential context in familiar- and unfamiliar-accented speech.

To learn the meaning of a new word, or to recognize the meaning of a known one, both children and adults benefit from surrounding words, or the sentential context. Most of the evidence from children is based on their accuracy and efficiency when listening to speech in their familiar native accent: they successfully use the words they know to identify other words' referents. Here, we assess how accurately and efficiently 4-year-old children use sentential context to identify referents of known and novel nouns in unfamiliar-accented speech, as compared to familiar-accented speech. In a looking-while-listening task, children showed considerable success in processing unfamiliar-accented speech. Children robustly mapped known nouns produced in an unfamiliar accent to their target referents rather than novel competitors, and they used informative surrounding verbs (e.g., "You can eat the dax") to identify the referents of both known and novel nouns-although there was a processing cost for unfamiliar-accented speech in some cases. This demonstrates that 4-year-olds successfully and rapidly process unfamiliar-accented speech by recruiting the same strategies available to them in familiar-accented speech, revealing impressive flexibility in word recognition and word learning across diverse linguistic environments. RESEARCH HIGHLIGHTS: We examined 4-year-old children's accuracy and processing efficiency in comprehending known and novel nouns embedded in sentences produced in familiar-accented or unfamiliar-accented speech. Children showed limited processing costs for unfamiliar-accented speech and mapped known words to their referents even when these were produced in unfamiliar-accented speech. Children used known verbs to predict the referents of upcoming nouns in both familiar- and unfamiliar-accented speech, but processing costs were evident for unfamiliar-accented speech. Thus, the strategies that support children's word comprehension and word learning in familiar-accented speech are available to them in unfamiliar accents as well.

A principled link between object naming and representation is available to infants by seven months of age.

By their first birthdays, infants represent objects flexibly as a function of not only whether but how the objects are named. Applying the same name to a set of different objects from the same category supports object categorization, with infants encoding commonalities among objects at the expense of individuating details. In contrast, applying a distinct name to each object supports individuation, with infants encoding distinct features at the expense of categorical information. Here, we consider the development of this nuanced link between naming and representation in infants' first year. Infants at 12 months (Study 1; N = 55) and 7 months (Study 2; N = 96) participated in an online recognition memory task. All infants saw the same objects, but their recognition of these objects at test varied as a function of how they had been named. At both ages, infants successfully recognized objects that had been named with distinct labels but failed to recognize these objects when they had all been named with the same, consistent label. This new evidence demonstrates that a principled link between object naming and representation is available by 7 months, early enough to support infants as they begin mapping words to meaning.

Longer looks for language: Novel labels lengthen fixation duration for 2-year-old children.

The language infants hear guides their visual attention; infants look more to objects when they are labeled. However, it is unclear whether labels also change the way infants attend to and encode those objects-that is, whether hearing an object label changes infants' online visual processing of that object. Here, we examined this question in the context of novel word learning, asking whether nuanced measures of visual attention, specifically fixation durations, change when 2-year-olds hear a label for a novel object (e.g., "Look at the dax") compared with when they hear a non-labeling phrase (e.g., "Look at that"). Results confirmed that children visually process objects differently when they are labeled, using longer fixations to examine labeled objects versus unlabeled objects. Children also showed robust retention of these labels on a subsequent test trial, suggesting that these longer fixations accompanied successful word learning. Moreover, when children were presented with the same objects again in a silent re-exposure phase, children's fixations were again longer when looking at the previously labeled objects. Finally, fixation duration at first exposure and silent re-exposure were correlated, indicating a persistent effect of language on visual processing. These effects of hearing labels on visual attention point to the critical interactions involved in cross-modal learning and emphasize the benefits of looking beyond aggregate measures of attention to identify cognitive learning mechanisms during infancy.

From Recognizing Known Words to Learning New Ones: Comparing Online Speech Processing in Typically Developing and Late-Talking 2-Year-Olds.

PURPOSE: This study examines online speech processing in typically developing and late-talking 2-year-old children, comparing both groups' word recognition, word prediction, and word learning. METHOD: English-acquiring U.S. children, from the "When to Worry" study of language and social-emotional development, were identified as typical talkers (n = 67, M age = 27.0 months, SD = 1.4; Study 1) or late talkers (n = 30, M age = 27.0 months, SD = 2.0; Study 2). Children completed an eye-tracking task assessing their ability to recognize both nouns and verbs, to use verbs to predict an upcoming noun's referent, and to use verbs to infer the meaning of novel nouns. RESULTS: Both typical and late talkers recognized nouns and verbs and used familiar verbs to predict the referents of upcoming nouns, whether the noun was familiar ("You can eat the apple") or novel ("You can eat the dax"). Late talkers were slower in using familiar nouns to orient to the target and were both slower and less accurate in using familiar verbs to identify the upcoming noun's referent. Notably, however, both groups learned and retained novel word meanings with similar success. CONCLUSIONS: Late talkers demonstrated slower lexical processing, especially for verbs. Yet, their success in using familiar verbs to learn novel nouns suggests that, as a group, their slower processing did not impair word learning in this task. This sets the foundation for future work investigating whether these measures predict later language outcomes and can differentiate late talkers with transient delays from those with language disorders.

Sparse labels, no problems: Infant categorization under challenging conditions.

Labeling promotes infants' object categorization even when labels are rare. By 2 years, infants engage in "semi-supervised learning" (SSL), integrating labeled and unlabeled exemplars to learn categories. However, everyday learning contexts pose substantial challenges for infants' SSL. Here, two studies (n = 74, 51% female, 62% non-Hispanic White, 18% multiracial, 8% Asian, 6% Black, Mage  = 27.3 months, collected 2018-2020) implemented a familiarization-novelty preference paradigm assessing 2-year-olds' SSL when (i) exemplars from the target category are interspersed with other objects (Study 1, d = .67) and (ii) multiple categories are learned simultaneously (Study 2, d = .74). The findings indicate 2-year-olds' SSL is robust enough to support object categorization despite substantial challenges posed by everyday learning contexts.

An object lesson: Objects, non-objects, and the power of conceptual construal in adjective extension.

Despite the seemingly simple mapping between adjectives and perceptual properties (e.g., color, texture), preschool children have difficulty establishing the appropriate extension of novel adjectives. When children hear a novel adjective applied to an individual object, they successfully extend the adjective to other members of the same object category but have difficulty extending it more broadly to members of different categories. We propose that the source of this difficulty lies at the interface of the linguistic and conceptual systems: children initially limit the extension of an adjective to the category of the object on which it was introduced. To test this hypothesis, we manipulated whether participants construed images as "pictures of things" (objects) or "blobs of stuff" (non-objects). For both 36-month-old children (Experiments 1 and 2) and adults (Experiment 3), the conceptual status of an image influenced how they extended an adjective applied to that image. Children extended novel adjectives more successfully when they construed the images as non-objects than when they construed the same images as objects. Similarly, adults were faster to make adjective extensions when construing the images as non-objects rather than objects. Learners of all ages must navigate this linguistic-conceptual interface in assessing whether and how novel adjectives should be extended to new individuals.

Naming guides how 12-month-old infants encode and remember objects.

A foundation of human cognition is the flexibility with which we can represent any object as either a unique individual (my dog Fred) or a member of an object category (dog, animal). This conceptual flexibility is supported by language; the way we name an object is instrumental to our construal of that object as an individual or a category member. Evidence from a new recognition memory task reveals that infants are sensitive to this principled link between naming and object representation by age 12 mo. During training, all infants (n = 77) viewed four distinct objects from the same object category, each introduced in conjunction with either the same novel noun (Consistent Name condition), a distinct novel noun for each object (Distinct Names condition), or the same sine-wave tone sequence (Consistent Tone condition). At test, infants saw each training object again, presented in silence along with a new object from the same category. Infants in the Consistent Name condition showed poor recognition memory at test, suggesting that consistently applied names focused them primarily on commonalities among the named objects at the expense of distinctions among them. Infants in the Distinct Names condition recognized three of the four objects, suggesting that applying distinct names enhanced infants' encoding of the distinctions among the objects. Infants in the control Consistent Tone condition recognized only the object they had most recently seen. Thus, even for infants just beginning to speak their first words, the way in which an object is named guides infants' encoding, representation, and memory for that object.

Crying helps, but being sad doesn't: Infants constrain nominal reference online using known verbs, but not known adjectives.

Speakers can make inferences about the meaning of new words appearing in an utterance based on the lexical semantics of other words that co-occur with them. Previous work has revealed that infants at 19 and 24 months of age can recruit the semantic selectional restrictions of known verbs (e.g., eating) to deduce that a noun appearing in the subject position maps onto an animate referent. We asked whether this ability to capitalize on the semantics of familiar words to identify the referent of a novel noun in subject position extends to adjectives, which also denote properties, and which also have animacy constraints (e.g., hungry). We found that unlike in the previous studies with verbs, neither 24- nor 36-month-olds could successfully recruit known adjectival semantics in an online task to home in on an animate nominal referent. However, 36-month-olds were successful in a more interactive, forced-choice version of the task without such strict time limitations. We discuss multiple non-mutually-exclusive hypotheses for this pattern of results, focusing on the role of the morphosyntactic cues, the (lack of) perceptual cues for the target property in context of the utterance, truth conditions, and cross-linguistic implications. These possibilities raise fundamental questions about the infant's developing lexicon and the linguistic and conceptual mechanisms at play in the process of word learning.

Defining the Role Of Language in Infants' Object Categorization with Eye-tracking Paradigms.

Assessing infant category learning is a challenging but vital aspect of studying infant cognition. By employing a familiarization-test paradigm, we straightforwardly measure infants' success in learning a novel category while relying only on their looking behavior. Moreover, the paradigm can directly measure the impact of different auditory signals on the infant categorization across a range of ages. For instance, we assessed how 2-year-olds learn categories in a variety of labeling environments: in our task, 2-year-olds successfully learned categories when all exemplars were labeled or the first two exemplars were labeled, but they failed to categorize when no exemplars were labeled or only the final two exemplars were labeled. To determine infants' success in such tasks, researchers can examine both the overall preference displayed by infants in each condition and infants' pattern of looking over the course of the test phase, using an eye-tracker to provide fine-grained time-course data. Thus, we present a powerful paradigm for identifying the role of language, or any auditory signal, in infants' object category learning.

A little labeling goes a long way: Semi-supervised learning in infancy.

There is considerable evidence that labeling supports infants' object categorization. Yet in daily life, most of the category exemplars that infants encounter will remain unlabeled. Inspired by recent evidence from machine learning, we propose that infants successfully exploit this sparsely labeled input through "semi-supervised learning." Providing only a few labeled exemplars leads infants to initiate the process of categorization, after which they can integrate all subsequent exemplars, labeled or unlabeled, into their evolving category representations. Using a classic novelty preference task, we introduced 2-year-old infants (n = 96) to a novel object category, varying whether and when its exemplars were labeled. Infants were equally successful whether all exemplars were labeled (fully supervised condition) or only the first two exemplars were labeled (semi-supervised condition), but they failed when no exemplars were labeled (unsupervised condition). Furthermore, the timing of the labeling mattered: when the labeled exemplars were provided at the end, rather than the beginning, of familiarization (reversed semi-supervised condition), infants failed to learn the category. This provides the first evidence of semi-supervised learning in infancy, revealing that infants excel at learning from exactly the kind of input that they typically receive in acquiring real-world categories and their names.