Inspired to act: motivational effects of being moved by love and willpower.

ABSTRACTPeople can be moved and touched by exceptional closeness between people or by outstanding willpower. We investigated the causal effect of these feelings on motivations. We based our research on the previously identified phenomenon that feelings of being moved are stronger in unfavourable circumstances (e.g. psychological closeness after conflict, high achievement against all odds). In two studies in the US (N1 = 136) and in Germany (N2 = 161), we independently varied context (love vs. willpower) and circumstances (favourable vs. unfavourable) in short stories and assessed feelings of being moved as well as the motivation to show love and the motivation to show willpower after each story. In both contexts and consistent across the two studies, unfavourable circumstances elicited stronger motivations to show love as well as stronger motivations to show willpower. Multilevel mediation modelling revealed that these effects were mediated by feelings of being moved. This indicates that feelings of being moved enhance pro-social as well as achievement-related motivations.

Measuring Attributions 50 Years on: From within-Country Poverty to Global Inequality.

Fifty years after Feagin's pioneering 1972 study, we present a systematic review of the measurement of attributions for poverty and economic inequality. We conducted a search for articles published from 1972 to 2023 in APA PsycArticles, Psychology and Behavioral Sciences Collection, APA PsycInfo, PSYNDEX Literature with PSYNDEX Tests, and Google Scholar. We used the following English keywords: "poor", "poverty", "inequality", "attribution", and "attributions" and their equivalents in Spanish. Applying our inclusion and exclusion criteria led to a final sample of 74 articles. We report three main findings. First, the majority of studies classify attributions on the dimensions of individualistic vs. structural. Second, there is a clear tendency to measure attributions for domestic poverty without considering supranational factors or poverty as a global challenge. Third, studies focus almost exclusively on poverty rather than (economic) inequality. We identify potential for future development within the literature, namely, from a domestic to a global perspective, from locus to controllability, and from poverty to inequality.

Group-specific contact and sense of connectedness during the COVID-19 pandemic and its associations with psychological well-being, perceived stress, and work-life balance.

Theories of social cure, sense of community, and social identity suggest that feelings of connectedness affect how we have coped with the COVID-19 pandemic. Although people can feel connected to a variety of different groups, such as their family, friends, co-workers, neighbours, nation, or all humanity, previous research has focused on connectedness to only a subset of these groups. To examine the relative importance of connectedness to and contact with specific groups for well-being, stress, and work-life balance during the pandemic, we conducted a longitudinal experience sampling study (N = 578) during the first 8 weeks of the Spring 2020 COVID-19 lockdown in Germany. Feeling connected to family members most strongly predicted psychological well-being (positively) and perceived stress (negatively) during the lockdown, followed by a sense of connectedness with friends and neighbours. Sense of connectedness to other groups did not predict well-being, stress, or work-life balance when controlling for the respective other groups. Hence, it not only matters whether or not a person feels connected to a group but also to which specific group he or she feels connected.

When loneliness dimensions drift apart: Emotional, social and physical loneliness during the COVID-19 lockdown and its associations with age, personality, stress and well-being.

Previous research differentiated between emotional loneliness (perceived lack of emotional connection with others) and social loneliness (perceived lack of a broader social network). We argue that physical loneliness (perceived lack of physical contact) constitutes a third dimension of loneliness that is particularly relevant in times of physical distancing. We conducted a longitudinal experience sampling study (N = 578) during the first 8 weeks of the COVID-19 lockdown in Germany to test this claim. The results indicate that loneliness has a three-dimensional structure encompassing emotional, social and physical loneliness. Each loneliness dimension explained a unique variance in perceived stress and psychological well-being. However, the three loneliness dimensions differed in their prevalence during the contact restrictions and their associations with age and personality. Physical loneliness was higher during the contact restrictions whereas emotional and social loneliness remained on a normal level. Age was positively associated with social loneliness but negatively associated with physical loneliness. Extraversion was negatively associated with emotional and social loneliness but positively associated with physical loneliness. These findings expand loneliness models, enhance loneliness assessment and improve the prediction of vulnerability to loneliness.

Being moved by meaningfulness: appraisals of surpassing internal standards elicit being moved by relationships and achievements.

People can be moved and overwhelmed, a phenomenon typically accompanied by goose-bumps and tears. We argue that these feelings of being moved are not limited to situations that are appraised as pro-social but elicited when someone surpasses an internal standard. In line with these predictions, people were moved by relationships and success (Study 1), by reunion, separation, success and failure (Study 2) and by social, environmental and sports achievements (Study 3). In all three studies, the elicitation of these feelings was partially mediated by appraisals of surpassing social or achievement standards. In line with this, ratings of meaningfulness were closely associated with feelings of being moved and moving stimuli elicited behavioural intentions such as spending time with family and friends, helping others and/or achieving something in life. Thus, moving situations may remind us about what we perceive as meaningful and thereby help us to act accordingly.

The bidirectional relation of emotion perception and social judgments: the effect of witness' emotion expression on perceptions of moral behaviour and vice versa.

The present research tested the notion that emotion expression and context perception are bidirectionally related. Specifically, in two studies focusing on moral violations (N = 288) and positive moral deviations (N = 245) respectively, we presented participants with short vignettes describing behaviours that were either (im)moral, (in)polite or unusual together with a picture of the emotional reaction of a person who supposedly had been a witness to the event. Participants rated both the emotional reactions observed and their own moral appraisal of the situation described. In both studies, we found that situational context influenced how emotional reactions to this context were rated and in turn, the emotional expression shown in reaction to a situation influenced the appraisal of the situation. That is, neither the moral events nor the emotion expressions were judged in an absolute fashion. Rather, the perception of one also depended on the other.

What elicits third-party anger? The effects of moral violation and others' outcome on anger and compassion.

People often get angry when they perceive an injustice that affects others but not themselves. In two studies, we investigated the elicitation of third-party anger by varying moral violation and others' outcome presented in newspaper articles. We found that anger was highly contingent on the moral violation. Others' outcome, although relevant for compassion, were not significantly relevant for anger (Study 1 and Study 2a) or less relevant for anger than for compassion (Study 2b). This indicates that people can be morally outraged: anger can be elicited by a perceived violation of moral values alone, independent of the harm done. A severe negative consequence for others is not necessary to elicit anger.