Fraud victimization across the lifespan: evidence on repeat victimization using perpetrator data.

Older adults are thought to be more susceptible to scams, yet understanding the relationship between chronological age and victimization is limited by underreporting. This study avoids underreporting bias by merging four longitudinal databases of Americans (N = 1.33 million) who paid money in response to mail scams over 20 years. We investigate the risk of repeat victimization and victimization by multiple scam types over the life course. Victims in their 70s and 80s are 9% more likely to experience another victimization incident than those in their 50s. Those age 18 to 29 are 24% less likely to experience another victimization incident. Relative to adults in their 50s, the odds of victimization by multiple scams are greater for those in their 60s and 70s, but lower for those 80 + . This study demonstrates the research potential in using scammers' data to understand patterns of victimization. Fraud prevention efforts should target older individuals who are at higher risk of repeat victimization and suffer greater losses as a result.

Violent victimization at the intersections of sexual orientation, gender identity, and race: National Crime Victimization Survey, 2017-2019.

INTRODUCTION: Prior research has found that experiences with violence in the U.S. differ across individual demographic characteristics, including race, gender, and sexual orientation. However, peer reviewed studies have yet to examine the relationship between the intersections of race, gender, and sexual orientation, victimization risk, and characteristics of victimization. METHODS: We use data from three years (2017-2019) of the National Crime Victimization Survey, the primary source of information on criminal victimization in the United States, to examine victimization at the intersection of sexual orientation, gender, and race/ethnicity. We test whether non-Hispanic Black, Hispanic, and non-Hispanic White sexual and gender minority (SGM) persons aged 16 or over are victimized at greater rates than their non-SGM counterparts and assess whether there are differences between sexual minority females and males of each racial group. We further document characteristics of victimization such as reporting to the police by SGM status and race or ethnicity. RESULTS: We find that SGMs are disproportionately more likely to be victims of violent crime than non-SGM people, and these disparities are present across the assessed racial and ethnic groups (non-Hispanic Black odds ratio [OR] = 3.3, 90% CI [CI] = 1.36, 5.16; Hispanic OR = 4.5, CI = 2.25, 6.71; non-Hispanic White OR = 4.8, CI = 2.25, 6.71). However, sexual orientation disparities are statistically distinguishable for lesbian or bisexual (LB) non-Hispanic White and Hispanic females but not for non-Hispanic Black LB females. Among LB females, the overall differences in victimization were primarily driven by bisexual respondents. We further find racial and ethnic differences among SGM victims in the likelihood of having the victimization reported to the police, in the utilization of community (non-police) resources, and in other aspects of victimization experiences, such as whether arrests occurred or in the suspicion that the violent incident was a hate crime. CONCLUSIONS: Our findings raise indicate a complex picture of how sexual orientation, gender identity, sex, and race and ethnicity interact in victimizations and their characteristics that should be further explored.

The Relationship Between Formal Help-Seeking and Sexual Orientation Among Victims of Domestic Violence.

Domestic violence, broadly defined, includes violence among children, parents, siblings, intimate partners, and other relatives. Help-seeking behaviors for domestic violence, especially among sexual minority (gay, lesbian, bisexual, and others who are not heterosexual) victims, is not well understood. Using the National Crime Victimization Survey, the current study fills a gap in the literature regarding the relationship between sexual orientation and four types of formal help-seeking among victims of violence perpetrated by a relative or an intimate partner: reporting to the police, seeking psychological care, contacting a victim services agency, and seeking medical assistance. This study additionally examined whether individual and incident level variables are related to formal domestic violence help-seeking among sexual minority victims. Results indicate that sexual orientation was significantly related to seeking psychological care and help from a victim services agency, and the relationship between individual and incident level characteristics varies by type of help-seeking among victims of domestic violence. These results suggest that sexual minority victims' decisions to access services is likely influenced by the availability of services and victims' perceptions of how they would be treated within the various systems. Future research should continue to examine the help-seeking process among sexual minority victims of domestic violence in order to develop appropriate policy responses and provide services needed by this population.

Hate crimes against LGBT people: National Crime Victimization Survey, 2017-2019.

We estimate the prevalence and characteristics of violent hate crime victimization of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) people in the United States, and we compare them to non-LGBT hate crime victims and to LGBT victims of violent non-hate crime. We analyze pooled 2017-2019 data from the National Crime Victimization Survey (n persons = 553, 925;n incidents = 32, 470), the first nationally representative and comprehensive survey on crime that allows identification of LGBT persons aged 16 or older. Descriptive and bivariate analysis show that LGBT people experienced 6.6 violent hate crime victimizations per 1,000 persons compared with non-LGBT people's 0.6 per 1,000 persons (odds ratio = 8.30, 95% confidence interval = 1.94, 14.65). LGBT people were more likely to be hate crime victims of sexual orientation or gender bias crime and less likely to be victims of race or ethnicity bias crimes compared to non-LGBT hate crime victims. Compared to non-LGBT victims, LGBT victims of hate crime were more likely to be younger, have a relationship with their assailant, and have an assailant who is white. Compared to LGBT victims of non-hate violence, more LGBT hate crime victims reported experiencing problems in their social lives, negative emotional responses, and physical symptoms of distress. Our findings affirm claims that hate crimes have adverse physical and psychological effects on victims and highlight the need to ensure that LGBT persons who experience hate crime get necessary support and services in the aftermath of the crime.

Sex Trafficking and Substance Use: Identifying High-Priority Needs Within the Criminal Justice System.

Substance use disorder (SUD) is common among victims of sex trafficking. Traffickers may exploit individuals' existing opioid use or other SUDs to coerce them into sex trafficking, or they may facilitate substance use to keep trafficking victims from exiting. Additionally, trafficking victims may use substances to cope with trauma. The intersections of sex trafficking and SUD complicate both legal responses and victim advocate responses to sex trafficking cases. Victim SUD can lead to challenges for law enforcement and prosecutors in developing cases against traffickers. On the provider side, traditional victim services are often insufficient for victims of trafficking with SUDs, who face substantial barriers to accessing services. A better understanding of the nexus between sex trafficking and SUDs is critical for implementing victim-centered and trauma-informed responses to this vulnerable population. In this article, the authors describe an online panel, convened in April 2021 by RTI International and the RAND Corporation on behalf of the National Institute of Justice, in which subject-matter experts and criminal justice practitioners discussed how SUDs and sex trafficking complicate the identification and screening of victims and victims' ability to access treatment and legal remedies. The panel participants identified 21 high-priority needs to support a better understanding of sex trafficking and SUDs and a variety of solutions for addressing these intertwined issues.

The Value and Validity of Self-Reported Survey Data on the Rape Experiences of College Students.

Self-reported survey data on the extent and nature of rape and sexual assault experienced by a population represent an important source of information because these crimes often go unreported, and are thus undercounted in law enforcement or other official statistics. This article compares Campus Climate Survey Validation Study (CCSVS) data to Clery Act data in an effort to (1) assess the validity of the CCSVS data and the Clery Act data based on the extent to which they corroborate one another, and (2) estimate the extent to which Clery Act data potentially underestimate the true incidence of rape. The results help to establish the extent to which self-report surveys on sexual victimization are needed to understand the magnitude of the problem among a given population.

Gender Identity Disparities in Criminal Victimization: National Crime Victimization Survey, 2017-2018.

Objectives. To estimate the prevalence of personal and household victimizations among transgender people in the United States.Methods. We analyzed pooled 2017 and 2018 data from the National Crime Victimization Survey, the first nationally representative sample that allows identification of transgender respondents.Results. Transgender people experienced 86.2 victimizations per 1000 persons compared with cisgender people's 21.7 per 1000 persons (odds ratio [OR] = 4.24; 90% confidence interval [CI] = 1.49, 7.00). Households that had a transgender person had higher rates of property victimization (214.1 per 1000 households) than households with only cisgender people (108 per 1000 households; OR = 2.25; 90% CI = 1.19, 3.31). Transgender victims whose sex assigned at birth was male were more likely to perceive their victimization as a hate crime than cisgender victims whose sex assigned at birth was male. There were no disparities in reporting victimizations to authorities: only about half of the victimizations of both transgender and cisgender people were reported.Conclusions. Public policy and administration need to consider the unique vulnerabilities transgender people routinely encounter, resulting in disparities in criminal victimization.

Sensitivity of Sexual Victimization Estimates to Definitional and Measurement Decisions.

Self-report surveys are subject to measurement error associated with variation in the methodology employed. The current analysis uses data from the Campus Climate Survey Validation Study (CCSVS) to examine the impact that measurement decisions have on estimates. The findings demonstrate that asking victims to provide detailed information in an effort to properly place incidents in time and classify incidents by type resulted in relatively minor decreases in estimate magnitude. Ultimately, asking respondents to provide or confirm additional incident-level information for proper classification resulted in more complete information with very little impact on estimates.

Differences by Victim Race and Ethnicity in Race- and Ethnicity-Motivated Violent Bias Crimes: A National Study.

Over 80% of bias-motivated violent victimization is motivated by race or ethnicity and over 50% of bias victimization occurs in non-Hispanic Whites (NHW). Our aim was to determine the risk and health impacts of race/ethnicity-motivated violent victimization by victim race/ethnicity. We examined data from the National Crime Victimization Survey (2003-2015) to estimate violent victimization risk by victim race/ethnicity across race/ethnicity bias victimization, other types of bias victimizations, and non-bias violent victimizations. We examined incident and offender characteristics for race/ethnicity-motivated victimization by victim race/ethnicity. The risk of race/ethnicity-motivated violent victimization was greater for non-Hispanic Blacks (NHB) and Hispanics than for NHWs (incidence rate ratios [IRR] = 1.4; 95% confidence interval [CI] = [1.0, 2.0], and IRR = 1.6; 95% CI = [1.2, 2.1]). This translates into an additional 46.7 incidents per 100,000 person-years (95% CI = [1.4, 92.1]) for the NHB population and an additional 60.3 incidents per 100,000 person-years (95% CI = [20.3, 100.4]) for the Hispanic population. Violent incidents for NHB victims more frequently resulted in injury or medical care. Nearly 40% of NHB victims reported difficulties at school or work related to the incident where only 21.5% of NHWs and 11.7% of Hispanic victims reported similar problems. Roughly 37% of NHB victims identified a NHW offender and 45% of NHW victims identified a NHB offender. Hispanic victims identified NHB or NHW offenders in over 70% of incidents. Although literature suggests that NHWs account for the majority of bias victimizations, the risk of non-fatal violent victimization motivated by race/ethnicity is greater for NHBs and Hispanics. Crimes perpetrated against NHBs are likely more severe and victim/offender racial incongruity is common. Findings provide empiric evidence on race/ethnicity-related structural disadvantage with adverse health consequences.

The Financial and Psychological Impact of Identity Theft Among Older Adults.

BACKGROUND AND OBJECTIVES: Society's growing reliance on technology to transfer private information has created more opportunities for identity thieves to access and misuse personal data. Research on identity theft specifically among adults aged 65 and older is virtually nonexistent, yet research focusing on victims of all ages indicates a positive association between age, minority status, and more severe economic and psychological consequences. RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODS: Identity theft measures come from a sample of more than 2,000 self-reported victims aged 65 and older from the nationally representative National Crime Victimization Survey Identity Theft Supplements administered in 2014 and 2016. Regression was used to examine how socioeconomic status, demographic characteristics, and incident-specific factors relate to how much money is stolen, the likelihood of experiencing out-of-pocket costs, and emotional distress among older identity theft victims. RESULTS: Older Black identity theft victims were more likely to have greater amounts of money stolen and were more likely to feel distressed by the incident than older White victims. The most disadvantaged older adults living at or below the federal poverty level were significantly more likely to suffer out-of-pocket costs. The length of time information was misused, experiencing subsequent financial problems and problems with friends/family, and the hours spent resolving identity theft were positively associated with emotional distress. Among those aged 65 and older, age was not significantly associated with losses or emotional distress. DISCUSSION AND IMPLICATIONS: Older adults living in poverty need more resources to assist with recovery and reporting identity theft to law enforcement. Limiting the extent of losses from identity theft and reducing the length of time information is misused may reduce the emotional toll of identity theft on older victims.

Victimization rates and traits of sexual and gender minorities in the United States: Results from the National Crime Victimization Survey, 2017.

Do sexual and gender minorities (SGMs) in the United States encounter disproportionate rates of victimization as compared with their cisgender, heterosexual counterparts? Answering this question has proved elusive because nationally representative victimization data have not included victims' sexual orientation or gender identity. The National Crime Victimization Survey, the nation's primary source of representative information on criminal victimization, began documenting sexual orientation and gender identity in 2016 and released data publicly for the first time in 2019. We find SGMs disproportionately are victims across a variety of crimes. The rate of violent victimization for SGMs is 71.1 victimizations per 1000 people compared with 19.2 victimizations per 1000 people for those who are not SGMs. SGMs are 2.7 times more likely to be a victim of violent crime than non-SGMs. These findings raise the importance of further considering sexual orientation and gender identity in victimization and interventions.

Anti-Asian Hate Crime During the COVID-19 Pandemic: Exploring the Reproduction of Inequality.

Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) is believed to have emerged in Wuhan, China in late December 2019 and began rapidly spreading around the globe throughout the spring months of 2020. As COVID-19 proliferated across the United States, Asian Americans reported a surge in racially motivated hate crimes involving physical violence and harassment. Throughout history, pandemic-related health crises have been associated with the stigmatization and "othering" of people of Asian descent. Asian Americans have experienced verbal and physical violence motivated by individual-level racism and xenophobia from the time they arrived in America in the late 1700s up until the present day. At the institutional level, the state has often implicitly reinforced, encouraged, and perpetuated this violence through bigoted rhetoric and exclusionary policies. COVID-19 has enabled the spread of racism and created national insecurity, fear of foreigners, and general xenophobia, which may be related to the increase in anti-Asian hate crimes during the pandemic. We examine how these crimes - situated in historically entrenched and intersecting individual-level and institutional-level racism and xenophobia - have operated to "other" Asian Americans and reproduce inequality.

Risk and protective factors of identity theft victimization in the United States.

Identity theft victimization is associated with serious physical and mental health morbidities. The problem is expanding as society becomes increasingly reliant on technology to store and transfer personally identifying information. Guided by lifestyle-routine activity theory, this study sought to identify risk and protective factors associated with identity theft victimization and determine whether individual-level behaviors, including frequency of online purchasing and data protection practices, are determinative of victimization. Data from sequential administrations of the U.S. National Crime Victimization Survey-Identity Theft Supplement (ITS) in 2012 and 2014 were combined (N = 128,419). Using multivariable logistic regression, risk and protective factors were examined for three subtypes: 1) unauthorized use of existing credit card/bank accounts, and unauthorized use of personal information to 2) open new accounts, or 3) engage in instrumental activities (e.g., applying for government benefits, receiving medical care, filing false tax returns). Existing credit card/bank accounts and new accounts identity theft victimization were associated with higher levels of online purchasing activity and prior identity theft victimization. All identity theft subtypes were associated with government/corporate data breaches and other crime victimization experiences. Routine individual-level preventive behaviors such as changing online passwords and shredding/destroying documents were protective. Identity theft subtypes showed divergent socio-demographic risk/protective profiles, with those of higher socioeconomic status more likely to be victims of existing credit card/bank account identity theft. Identity theft is a pervasive, growing problem with serious health and psychosocial consequences, yet individuals can engage in specific protective behaviors to mitigate victimization risk.

Methods for Improving Representativeness in a Web Survey on Sexual Assault Among College Students.

Many colleges and universities conduct web-based campus climate surveys to understand the prevalence and nature of sexual assault among their students. When designing and fielding a web survey to measure a sensitive topic like sexual assault, methodological decisions, including the length of the field period and the use or amount of an incentive, can affect the representativeness of the respondent sample leading to biased or imprecise estimates. This study uses data from the Campus Climate Survey Validation Study (CCSVS) to assess how the interaction between field period length and survey incentive amount affects nonresponse, sample representativeness, and the precision of survey estimates. Research suggests that using robust incentives gives potential survey respondents a reason to complete the survey beyond their intrinsic motivation to do so. Likewise, extending the field period gives more time to people who may be less intrinsically motivated to complete the survey. Both serve to increase sample size and representativeness, minimize bias, and improve estimate precision. Schools, however, sometimes lack the time and/or resources for both a robust incentive and a lengthy field period, and this study examines the extent to which the potential negative impacts of not using one can be mitigated by the presence of the other. Findings indicate that target response rates can be achieved using a smaller incentive if the field period is lengthy but, even with a lengthy field period, the use of a smaller incentive can result in biased estimates due to a lack of representativeness. Conversely, when a robust incentive is used and weights are developed to adjust for nonresponse, a shorter field period will not have a significant impact on point estimates, but the estimates will be less precise due to fewer respondents participating in the survey.