Color sorting and color term evolution.

When participants sort color samples into piles, Boster showed that their color groupings can resemble the "stages" of Kay & McDaniel's model of color term evolution. Boster concluded that both the unfolding of color piles in a sequential color sorting task and the unfolding of color terms according to Kay & McDaniel's model reveal how human beings understand color. If this is correct, then: (1) pile sorts should be reasonably robust across variations in the palette of colors to be sorted, as long as the palette contains good examples of Berlin & Kay's universal color categories, and (2) pile-sorting should be more related to lexical effects and less related to perceptual processes governed by similarity judgments alone. We report three studies on English speakers and Somali speakers (Study 1 only), where participants sorted colors into 2…6 piles. The three studies used varying numbers of palette colors (25, 30, or 145 colors) and varying chromaticity schemes (mainly hue, widely-separated in hue and lightness, or densely distributed at high chroma). We compared human sorting behavior to Kay & McDaniel's model and to the "optimal" patterns of color sorting predicted by Regier's well-formedness statistic, which quantifies the perceived similarity between colors. Neither hypothesis is confirmed by the results of our studies. Thus, we propose that color sorts are determined by pragmatic influences based on heuristics that are inspired by the palette of colors that are available and the task that the viewer is asked to perform.

The color communication game.

There is clear diversity among speakers of a typical language in how colors are named. What is the impact of this diversity on the people's ability to communicate about color? Is there a gap between a person's general understanding of the color terms in their native language and how they understand a particular term that denotes a particular color sample? Seventy English-speaking dyads and 63 Somali-speaking dyads played the Color Communication Game, where the "sender" in each dyad named 30 color samples as they would in any color-naming study, then the "receiver" chose the sample they thought the sender intended to communicate. English speakers played again, under instructions to intentionally communicate color sample identity. Direct comparison of senders' samples and receivers' choices revealed categorical understanding of colors without considering color naming data. Although Somali-speaking senders provided fewer color terms, interpersonal Mutual Information (MI) calculated from color naming data was similarly below optimal for both groups, and English-speaking dyads' MI did not improve with experience. Both groups revealed superior understanding of color terms because receivers showed better exactly-correct selection performance than was predicted by simulation from their senders' color-naming data. This study highlights limitations on information-theoretic analyses of color naming data.

Lexical Color Categories.

Color is a continuous variable, and humans can distinguish more than a million colors, yet world color lexicons contain no more than a dozen basic color terms. It has been understood for 160 years that the number of color terms in a lexicon varies greatly across languages, yet the lexical color categories defined by these terms are similar worldwide. Starting with the seminal study by Berlin and Kay, this review considers how and why this is so. Evidence from psychological, linguistic, and computational studies has advanced our understanding of how color categories came into being, how they contribute to our shared understanding of color, and how the resultant categories influence color perception and cognition. A key insight from the last 50 years of research is how human perception and the need for communication within a society worked together to create color lexicons that are somewhat diverse, yet show striking regularities worldwide.

Appearance of special colors in deuteranomalous trichromacy.

Deuteranomalous color matching behavior is different from normal because the middle-wavelength sensitive cones contain an abnormal L' pigment instead of the M pigment of the normal observer. However, there is growing evidence that deuteranomalous color experience is not very different from that of normal trichromats. Here, normal and deuteranomalous observers chose monochromatic unique yellow lights. They also chose broadband lights, displayed on a computer monitor, that corresponded to eight special colors: the Hering unique hues (red, yellow, green, blue), and binary colors perceptually midway between them (orange, lime, cyan, purple). Deuteranomalous monochromatic unique yellow was shifted towards red, but all the broadband special color selections were physically similar for normal and deuteranomalous observers. Deuteranomalous special colors, including monochromatic unique yellow, were similar to those of normal observers when expressed in a color-opponent chromaticity diagram based on their own visual pigments, but only if (1) color-opponent responses were normalized to white, and (2) the deuteranomalous diagram was expanded along the r - g dimension to compensate for the reduced difference between deuteranomalous L- and L'-cone photopigments. Particularly, deuteranomalous observers did not choose binary colors with extra r - g impact to overcome their insensitivity along the r - g dimension. This result can only be compatible with the known abnormality of the deuteranomalous L' photopigment if deuteranomalous observers adjust their perceptual representation of colors to compensate for their color vision deficiency.

Testing the Cross-Cultural Generality of Hering's Theory of Color Appearance.

This study examines the cross-cultural generality of Hering's (1878/1964) color-opponent theory of color appearance. English-speaking and Somali-speaking observers performed variants of two paradigms classically used to study color-opponency. First, both groups identified similar red, green, blue, and yellow unique hues. Second, 25 English-speaking and 34 Somali-speaking observers decomposed the colors present in 135 Munsell color samples into their component Hering elemental sensations-red,green,blue, yellow, white, and black-or else responded "no term." Both groups responded no term for many samples, notably purples. Somali terms for yellow were often used to name colors all around the color circle, including colors that are bluish according to Hering's theory. Four Somali Grue speakers named both green and blue elicitation samples by their term for green. However, that term did not name the union of all samples called blue or green by English speakers. A similar pattern was found among three Somali Achromatic speakers, who called the blue elicitation sample black or white. Thus, color decomposition by these Somali-speaking observers suggests a lexically influenced re-dimensionalization of color appearance space, rather than a simple reduction of the one proposed by Hering. Even some Somali Green-Blue speakers, whose data were otherwise similar to English, showed similar trends in yellow and blue usage. World Color Survey data mirror these results. These within- and cross-cultural violations of Hering's theory do not challenge the long-standing view that universal sensory processes mediate color appearance. However, they do demonstrate an important contribution of language in the human understanding of color.

Color Vision 2018: Introduction by the feature editors.

This feature issue of the Journal of the Optical Society of America A (JOSA A) reflects the basic and applied research interests of members of the color vision community. Most of the articles stem from presentations at the 24th Biennial Symposium of the International Colour Vision Society (ICVS).

The modern Japanese color lexicon.

Despite numerous prior studies, important questions about the Japanese color lexicon persist, particularly about the number of Japanese basic color terms and their deployment across color space. Here, 57 native Japanese speakers provided monolexemic terms for 320 chromatic and 10 achromatic Munsell color samples. Through k-means cluster analysis we revealed 16 statistically distinct Japanese chromatic categories. These included eight chromatic basic color terms (aka/red, ki/yellow, midori/green, ao/blue, pink, orange, cha/brown, and murasaki/purple) plus eight additional terms: mizu ("water")/light blue, hada ("skin tone")/peach, kon ("indigo")/dark blue, matcha ("green tea")/yellow-green, enji/maroon, oudo ("sand or mud")/mustard, yamabuki ("globeflower")/gold, and cream. Of these additional terms, mizu was used by 98% of informants, and emerged as a strong candidate for a 12th Japanese basic color term. Japanese and American English color-naming systems were broadly similar, except for color categories in one language (mizu, kon, teal, lavender, magenta, lime) that had no equivalent in the other. Our analysis revealed two statistically distinct Japanese motifs (or color-naming systems), which differed mainly in the extension of mizu across our color palette. Comparison of the present data with an earlier study by Uchikawa & Boynton (1987) suggests that some changes in the Japanese color lexicon have occurred over the last 30 years.

The color lexicon of the Somali language.

This empirical study had three goals: (a) to describe Somali color naming and its motifs, (b) to relate color naming by Somali informants to their color vision, and (c) to search for historical and demographic clues about the diversity of Somali color naming. Somali-speaking informants from Columbus, Ohio provided monolexemic color terms for 83 or 145 World Color Survey (WCS) color samples. Proximity analysis reduced the 103 color terms to the eight chromatic color meanings from the WCS plus black, white, and gray. Informants' data sets were grouped by spectral clustering analysis into four WCS color naming motifs named after the terms for the cool colors: (a) Green-Blue, (b) Grue (a single term meaning "green or blue"), (c) Gray, and (d) Dark. The results show that, first, the Somali language has about four motifs among its speakers. Second, individuals' color vision test results and their motifs were not correlated, suggesting that multiple motifs do not arise from individual variation in color vision. Last, the Somali color lexicon has changed over the past century. New color terms often came from the names of familiar colored objects, and informants' motifs were closely related to their ages and genders, suggesting that the diversity of color naming across speakers of Somali probably results from ongoing language change.

Color vision: introduction by the feature editors.

This feature issue of the Journal of the Optical Society of America A (JOSA A) reflects the basic and applied research interests of members of the color vision community. Most of the articles stem from presentations at the 23rd Biennial Symposium of the International Colour Vision Society (ICVS).

Hadza Color Terms Are Sparse, Diverse, and Distributed, and Presage the Universal Color Categories Found in Other World Languages.

In our empirical and theoretical study of color naming among the Hadza, a Tanzanian hunter-gatherer group, we show that Hadza color naming is sparse (the color appearance of many stimulus tiles was not named), diverse (there was little consensus in the terms for the color appearance of most tiles), and distributed (the universal color categories of world languages are revealed in nascent form within the Hadza language community, when we analyze the patterns of how individual Hadza deploy color terms). Using our Hadza data set, Witzel shows an association between two measures of color naming performance and the chroma of the stimuli. His prediction of which colored tiles will be named with what level of consensus, while interesting, does not alter the validity of our conclusions.

Hunter-Gatherer Color Naming Provides New Insight into the Evolution of Color Terms.

Most people name the myriad colors in the environment using between two and about a dozen color terms, with great variation within and between languages. Investigators generally agree that color lexicons evolve from fewer terms to more terms, as technology advances and color communication becomes increasingly important. However, little is understood about the color naming systems at the least technologically advanced end of the continuum. The Hadza people of Tanzania are nomadic hunter-gatherers who live a subsistence lifestyle that was common before the advent of agriculture (see Supplemental Experimental Procedures, section I;), suggesting that the Hadzane language should be at an early stage of color lexicon evolution. When Hadza, Somali, and US informants named 23 color samples, Hadza informants named only the black, white, and red samples with perfect consensus. Otherwise, they used low-consensus terms or responded "don't know." However, even low-consensus color terms grouped test colors into lexical categories that aligned with those found in other world languages. Furthermore, information-theoretic analysis showed that color communication efficiency within the Hadza, Somali, and US language communities falls on the same continuum as other world languages. Thus, the structure of color categories is in place in Hadzane, even though words for many of the categories are not in general use. These results suggest that even very simple color lexicons include precursors of many color categories but that these categories are initially represented in a diverse and distributed fashion.

The contrast sensitivity of the newborn human infant.

PURPOSE: To measure the binocular contrast sensitivity (CS) of newborn infants using a fixation-and-following card procedure. METHODS: The CS of 119 healthy newborn infants was measured using stimuli printed on cards under the descending method of limits (93 infants) and randomized/masked designs (26 infants). One experienced and one novice adult observer tested the infants using vertical square-wave gratings (0.06 and 0.10 cyc/deg; 20/10,000 and 20/6000 nominal Snellen equivalent); the experienced observer also tested using horizontal gratings (0.10 cyc/deg) and using the Method of Constant Stimuli while being kept unaware of the stimulus values. RESULTS: The CS of the newborn infant was 2.0 (contrast threshold = 0.497; 95% confidence interval: 0.475-0.524) for vertically oriented gratings and 1.74 (threshold = 0.575; 95% confidence interval: 0.523-0.633) for horizontally oriented gratings (P < 0.0006). The standard deviation of infant CS was comparable to that obtained by others on adults using the Pelli-Robson chart. The two observers showed similar practice effects. Randomization of stimulus order and masking of the adult observer had no effect on CS. CONCLUSIONS: The CS of individual newborn human infants can be measured using a fixation-and-following card procedure.

Color vision: Introduction by the feature editors.

This feature issue of the Journal of the Optical Society of America A (JOSA A) stems from the 22nd Biennial Symposium of the International Colour Vision Society (ICVS) and reflects the basic and applied research interests of members of the color vision community. A profile is included of the 2013 Verriest Medal recipient.

The color lexicon of American English.

This article describes color naming by 51 American English-speaking informants. A free-naming task produced 122 monolexemic color terms, with which informants named the 330 Munsell samples from the World Color Survey. Cluster analysis consolidated those terms into a glossary of 20 named color categories: the 11 Basic Color Term (BCT) categories of Berlin and Kay (1969, p. 2) plus nine nonbasic chromatic categories. The glossed data revealed two color-naming motifs: the green-blue motif of the World Color Survey and a novel green-teal-blue motif, which featured peach, teal, lavender, and maroon as high-consensus terms. Women used more terms than men, and more women expressed the novel motif. Under a constrained-naming protocol, informants supplied BCTs for the color samples previously given nonbasic terms. Most of the glossed nonbasic terms from the free-naming task named low-consensus colors located at the BCT boundaries revealed by the constrained-naming task. This study provides evidence for continuing evolution of the color lexicon of American English, and provides insight into the processes governing this evolution.

Infant color vision and color preferences: a tribute to Davida Teller.

Almost 40 years ago, Davida Teller developed the forced-choice preferential looking method for studying infant visual capabilities and used it to study infant color vision. About 10 years ago, she used infant looking preferences to study infant color perception. Here, we examine four data sets in which the infant looking preference was measured using a wide range of saturated colors. Three of those data sets, from papers by Marc Bornstein and by Davida Teller and Anna Franklin and their respective collaborators, were fit successfully using MacLeod and Boynton's model of the equiluminant plane in color space, in spite of the varied luminances used in those studies. A fourth data set, from a paper by Zemach, Chang, and Teller, was less well fit by that model. Apparently, infants are able to ignore luminance, and pay attention just to the color of stimuli. These results are discussed in the context of Davida Teller's work on the philosophy of vision science.

Color names, color categories, and color-cued visual search: sometimes, color perception is not categorical.

The relation between colors and their names is a classic case study for investigating the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis that categorical perception is imposed on perception by language. Here, we investigate the Sapir-Whorf prediction that visual search for a green target presented among blue distractors (or vice versa) should be faster than search for a green target presented among distractors of a different color of green (or for a blue target among different blue distractors). A. L. Gilbert, T. Regier, P. Kay, and R. B. Ivry (2006) reported that this Sapir-Whorf effect is restricted to the right visual field (RVF), because the major brain language centers are in the left cerebral hemisphere. We found no categorical effect at the Green-Blue color boundary and no categorical effect restricted to the RVF. Scaling of perceived color differences by Maximum Likelihood Difference Scaling (MLDS) also showed no categorical effect, including no effect specific to the RVF. Two models fit the data: a color difference model based on MLDS and a standard opponent-colors model of color discrimination based on the spectral sensitivities of the cones. Neither of these models nor any of our data suggested categorical perception of colors at the Green-Blue boundary, in either visual field.

Color channels, not color appearance or color categories, guide visual search for desaturated color targets.

In this article, we report that in visual search, desaturated reddish targets are much easier to find than other desaturated targets, even when perceptual differences between targets and distractors are carefully equated. Observers searched for desaturated targets among mixtures of white and saturated distractors. Reaction times were hundreds of milliseconds faster for the most effective (reddish) targets than for the least effective (purplish) targets. The advantage for desaturated reds did not reflect an advantage for the lexical category "pink," because reaction times did not follow named color categories. Many pink stimuli were not found quickly, and many quickly found stimuli were not labeled "pink." Other possible explanations (e.g., linear-separability effects) also failed. Instead, we propose that guidance of visual search for desaturated colors is based on a combination of low-level color-opponent signals that is different from the combinations that produce perceived color. We speculate that this guidance might reflect a specialization for human skin.

World Color Survey color naming reveals universal motifs and their within-language diversity.

We analyzed the color terms in the World Color Survey (WCS) (www.icsi.berkeley.edu/wcs/), a large color-naming database obtained from informants of mostly unwritten languages spoken in preindustrialized cultures that have had limited contact with modern, industrialized society. The color naming idiolects of 2,367 WCS informants fall into three to six "motifs," where each motif is a different color-naming system based on a subset of a universal glossary of 11 color terms. These motifs are universal in that they occur worldwide, with some individual variation, in completely unrelated languages. Strikingly, these few motifs are distributed across the WCS informants in such a way that multiple motifs occur in most languages. Thus, the culture a speaker comes from does not completely determine how he or she will use color terms. An analysis of the modern patterns of motif usage in the WCS languages, based on the assumption that they reflect historical patterns of color term evolution, suggests that color lexicons have changed over time in a complex but orderly way. The worldwide distribution of the motifs and the cooccurrence of multiple motifs within languages suggest that universal processes control the naming of colors.

Contrast insensitivity: the critical immaturity in infant visual performance.

This is a targeted review of the critical immaturities limiting psychophysical luminance contrast detection in human infants. Three-month-old infants are 50 times less sensitive to contrast than adults are. Rod experiments suggest that early-stage immaturities, like the short length of infant rod outer segments, have only a modest direct effect on infant visual performance. Infant contrast sensitivity may resemble adult extrafoveal sensitivity, because the foveal cones of the neonate are immature and may not generate strong enough responses to mediate visual performance. This use of the extrafoveal retina reduces the high-spatial frequency end of the infant contrast sensitivity function (CSF), contributing to poor infant resolution acuity. The remaining difference between infant and adult CSFs may be a simple overall reduction in infant sensitivity. The maximum of the infant CSF increases proportionately with age, and may be numerically near the infant's age in weeks. Contrast discrimination experiments indicate that the critical immaturity that limits infant contrast sensitivity is a mid-level phenomenon, occurring before the site of the contrast gain control. For example, the infant ascending visual pathway might be limited by large amounts of intrinsic noise. These results suggest that there is little effect of inattentiveness to the psychophysical task by ostensibly alert infant patients or subjects. The clinician or researcher can interpret behavioral measurements of infant visual performance with confidence.

Assessment of perceived orthodontic appliance attractiveness.

INTRODUCTION: To date, no studies have been published in the literature evaluating the esthetics of orthodontic appliances. The purpose of this study was to assess appliance variables, including appliance type, brand, wire, and ligature tie, for their relative attractiveness. Demographic factors were also evaluated. METHODS: Appliances were placed in an adult, and digital images were captured, standardized, and incorporated into a computer-based survey. Subjects (n = 200) rated each image for attractiveness on a visual analog scale. The attractiveness ratings were analyzed by using factorial analysis of variance with repeated measures. Post-hoc testing was done with the Tukey-Kramer test (overall a <.05). RESULTS: For all demographic factors, attractiveness ratings were significantly different between alternative (clear trays and simulated lingual appliances), ceramic, and all self-ligating/stainless steel appliances. No differences between brands in each appliance type were found. Ratings of some ceramic appliances were significantly affected by archwire and ligature tie, depending on several demographic interactions. CONCLUSIONS: Orthodontic appliance attractiveness varies by the following hierarchy of appliance types: alternative > ceramic > all stainless steel/self-ligating. Wire and tie selection can affect the appearance of ceramic appliances but have no impact on stainless steel or self-ligating appliances. Certain demographic factors have variable effects on attractiveness ratings.